Soviet KV-8 Heavy Flamethrower Tank: Final Charge

     The Soviets were big believers in flamethrowing tanks. In fact, such tanks were an integral part of Soviet tank doctrine even before the start of World War Two. These specialized tanks were deployed in their own chemical tank battalions and attached to other units as needed. The typical mission for such battalions was to be attached to infantry units and provide support to them by bringing their fire down on enemy bunkers, hardened positions, and other manned obstacles or entrenchments. However, the flamethrower has, even today, a very real psychological impact on those who have to face it and so the chemical battalions were also used in other operations to take advantage of this fear.

     Many of the main models of tanks deployed by the Soviets in the first two years of World War Two had a flamethrowing variant. The most numerous were those based on the T-26 light tank. The T-26 made up the bulk of Soviet tank forces and thus there were no less than four flamethrowing variants. The first was the OT-26. Fielded in 1933, the OT-26 (OT stood for Ognemetniy Tank; flamethrowing tank) was based on the early twin-turreted T-26 mod. 1931. The left turret was removed and within the right turret, a flame gun was fitted. However, the OT-26 was not very successful as the cramped turret made using the flame-projector difficult and the amount of fuel able to be carried was paltry. It was soon replaced by the OT-130. This was the T-26 mod. 1933 single turret tank with the 45mm gun replaced by a flame-projector. OT-130 tanks saw action against the Japanese during the September 1939 Battles of Khalkhin Gol and later against the Finnish in the Winter War which ran from November 30, 1939 to March 13, 1940. Survivors then met the Germans at the start of Operation Barbarossa, the invasion of Russia, that kicked off on June 22, 1941. The OT-130 was supplemented with the OT-133 that was the T-26 mod. 1939, again with the 45mm gun replaced with the flame-projector though the flame-projector was much shorter than the one used in the OT-130. The final model was the OT-134 and it was the more radical, but more useful, variant. Like the OT-133, it used the T-26 mod. 1939 but was fitted with the same turret as used on the T-50 light tank. The flame-projector was fitted centrally in the hull. Unlike the other T-26 flamethrowing tanks, the OT-134 retained its tank gun which meant once all the fuel was expended, it still had a weapon to fight with. Only a small number were built in 1941. Typically, the OT-130, OT-133, and OT-134 carried 400 liters of fuel in the hull along with four compressed air tanks that provided the propelling force on the fuel. At best, the range was only 40 yards.

     Another numerous tank in Soviet forces was the BT fast tank and to a lesser degree, the T-28 medium tank. There was a flamethrowing version of the BT-7, the OT-7, which had the flame-projector fitted to one side of the hull, facing forward. The OT-7 remained a prototype. The Germans, following their invasion of the Soviet Union, made reports of the existence of an OT-28 but no such variant of the T-28 was ever made, even in prototype form. The T-28 had two machine-gun armed supplementary turrets in the front of the tank along with the central, main turret. Some believe the larger, five-turreted T-35 heavy tank carried a flamethrower, replacing one of the two machine-gun armed turrets (the other two supplementary turrets housed 45mm guns). This was not a factory fitted armament but was one done in the field and thus not an official model. It could be that the Germans believed the more numerous T-28 might also carry a flamethrower and gave it the spurious OT-28 designation.

     Finally, the Soviets created the OT-34 and the KV-8. The OT-34 was simply the T-34/76 medium tank with the hull machine-gun replaced with a ATO-41 flamethrower. The KV-8, and the subject of the photograph, was a variant of the KV-1 heavy tank. The Soviets learned that when the enemy sees a flamethrowing tank approaching, that tank attracts a high degree of attention. With the exception of the OT-134, the Soviet flamethrowing tanks had obvious differences from their regular T-26 counterparts. Thus, they suffered accordingly, especially when they had to get very close to the enemy to effectively deploy their weapon. The OT-34 was, more or less, the T-34/76, and the hull mounted flame-projector meant the turret could retain its 76mm gun. The same could not be said for the KV-8. Instead of mounting the flame-projector in the hull, it was decided to fit the flame-projector in the turret. This would give the advantage of being able to bring the flamethrower to bear anywhere the turret was facing rather than being limited to strictly straight ahead as with hull-mounted flamethrowers. Unfortunately, the flamethrowing apparatus was too large to fit alongside the KV-1's 76mm gun. A compromise was made and in place of the 76mm gun was the smaller, 45mm Model 32/38 gun. To make it appear that the KV-8 had the KV-1's original gun, a tube was fitted around the 45mm gun's barrel that matched the length of the 76mm gun. This also helped to camouflage its true nature if deployed with other KV-1 tanks. The KV-8 carried 960 liters of fuel along with the compressed air tanks. The ATO-41 could fire three bursts every 10 seconds with each burst draining 10 liters of fuel. If using plain kerosene, the range was no more than 71 yards but if firing a kerosene/oil mixture, the range was out to 109 yards. Another benefit of the KV-8 was its thick front and turret armor which was difficult to penetrate by the majority of German anti-tank weapons. Thus, it was better able to close with the enemy and unleash its flame. Production commenced in 1942 and some 42 examples of the KV-8 were built. Another 25 were built as the KV-8S which utilized the KV-1S tank as the basis and upgraded the flamethrower to the ATO-42 model. A chemical battalion, at the time the KV-8 was deployed, consisted of two companies of KV-8 tanks (10 per company) and one company of OT-34 tanks (11 per company).

     The photograph depicts one of the original KV-8 tanks, belonging to the 500th. Independent Flamethrower Tank Battalion, and it appears to have been stopped just before crushing a German 8.8cm Flugabwehrkanone 18, better known as the “88”. It was not unusual for Soviet tank crews, especially at the early stages of the war, to simply crash into and run over German guns. The reasons were many but the more common was not having ammunition left (or being sent into battle without it) or a gun malfunction. The KV-8 appears to have been knocked out, likely by another Flak 18 gun, and the tank had caught fire as indicated by the dark patches on the front and rear of the turret and hull side. The tank hit the Flak 18 just enough to crumple the fender before it came to a halt. The Flak 18 appears to have been in a prepared position judging by the leveled ground it is emplaced on and the small berm in front of it. There is a slogan on the KV-8's turret which translates as "Onwards...to the West!" and the photograph was taken sometime between August and September 1942 near Voronovo, Russia.

Messerschmitt Me 410A-1/U1: 2. Staffel (Fern)/Aufklärungsgruppe 122

(Author's Collection)

     In August 1943, a Messerschmitt Me 410A-1/U1 carrying the identification code of 'F6+WK' on the fuselage was captured intact by the British in Trapani, Sicily. The aircraft belonged to the 2nd. Staffel (Fern) of Aufklärungsgruppe 122 (2.(F)/Aufkl.Gr.122; 2nd. Squadron (Remote), Reconnaissance Group 122) that had been based at Trapani from January 1942 to June 1943. 2./Aufkl.Gr.122 was stood up on January 4, 1936 and conducted reconnaissance missions against the British Isles in 1939 flying Dornier Do 17 and Heinkel He 111 aircraft. During the 1940 campaigns against France and the Low Lands, the squadron had transitioned to the Junkers Ju 88 and the Messerschmitt Me 110 and as the war shifted to the Eastern Front, the squadron was exclusively flying the Ju 88. Starting in May 1943, the squadron received a number of Me 410A-1/U1 aircraft to supplement their Ju 88s.

     The Me 410, nicknamed the “Hornisse” (“Hornet”), was the evolution of the earlier, unsuccessful, Me 210 which was supposed to be the successor to the Me 110 heavy fighter. However, delays in development didn't see the type enter production until January 1943 and it never fully replaced the Me 110. Power came from two Daimler-Benz DB 603A 12-cylinder, inverted-V, liquid-cooled engines, each generating 1,750 horsepower for take-off and 1,625hp at 18,700ft. This gave the Me 410 a maximum speed of 388mph at 21,980ft. in altitude. The A-1/U1 model was a modification of the Me 410 from heavy fighter to that of a fast photo reconnaissance aircraft. This involved the removal of the two 7.9mm MG 17 machine-guns from the nose to allow for the fitting of either a Rb 20/30, Rb 50/30, or Rb 75/30 camera. This left the forward firing armament of two 20mm MG 151 cannons, each with 350 rounds. Fitted to each side of the fuselage was a barbette-mounted 13mm MG 131 machine-gun which was remote controlled and provided a measure of rear defense. Each of these machine-guns was provided with 500 rounds of ammunition.

     Following the capture of 'F6+WK', it was found to carry the Werknummer (Work Number) of W.Nr. 10018. This aircraft was built at Messerschmitt's Augsburg facility and it had the radio call sign of 'DI+NN'. It was decided to keep the aircraft for evaluation and so it was ultimately given the Foreign Equipment number of FE-499. After being prepared for shipment, it was placed aboard a transport and sent to the United States and arrived at Wright Field in Dayton, Ohio in January 1944. On April 1, 1944, FE-499 was still in a disassembled state in Hanger Three and it would not be until October 4, 1944 was it finally fully assembled. At some point, FE-499 was sent to Freeman Army Airfield (located in Seymour, Indiana) which was the location of the Foreign Aircraft Evaluation Center (FAEC), the latter established at the airfield on June 11, 1944. That FE-499 was there came from an inventory book that listed it on May 17, 1946. However, FAEC was soon stood down by mid-1946 as there was little need for it any longer. Nevertheless, records still showed FE-499 at Freeman Army Airfield on August 1, 1946 where it was designated as a display aircraft. It is believed to have been transported to Air Technical Service Command's storage facility in Park Ridge, Illinois and ultimately, it ended up in the hands of the National Air and Space Museum where it remains today, housed in unrestored condition at the Paul E. Garber Preservation, Restoration, and Storage Facility located in Silver Hill, Maryland.

     Source depending, FE-499 has been listed as a Me 410A-3 model, which was the definitive photo reconnaissance version which carried two cameras rather than one. It was not possible for 2.(F)/Aufkl.Gr.122 to have had the Me 410A-3 as the type was not received by units until October 1944, long after 2.(F)/Aufkl.Gr.122 had left Trapani (though it remained in Italy, based in various locations, until May 1945). In any case, only 1.(F)/Aufkl.Gr.122 and 3.(F)/Aufkl.Gr.122 ever received any of the Me 410A-3 models. Also, some sources claim that FE-499 was a Me 210 that was brought up to Me 410 standards. This was done to many Me 210 airframes and in some cases, Me 210 aircraft were built from the outset as Me 410. However, it is believed that none of these conversions were used outside of development testing for the Me 410 program, equipment trials, and armament trials. A review of Heinz Mankau and Peter Petrick's book Messerschmitt Bf 110/Me 210/Me 410 published by Aviatic Verlag in 2001 does not list the Werknummer 10018 in their roster of known Me 210 and Me 410 work numbers and in any case, most of the work numbers which began with 100XX were listed as Me 410 models with construction dates in 1943 whereas most of the conversions were done in 1942. Still, there are gaps in Mankau and Petrick's lists so we have to assume that the work number for FE-499 is accurate though it could be disputed that it is a converted Me 210.

     As a note, the unit emblem for 2.(F)/Aufkl.Gr.122 consisted of a blue shield upon which was a man wearing black boots and khaki shorts, a wide brimmed hat, and a shirt riding on a black bomb with a bellows camera under one arm. Beneath this was the motto “Holzauge sei wach!” which literally means “Wooden Eyes Be Aware!” but a more contemporary translation is “Keep Your Eyes Peeled!” This emblem was located on the left side of the forward fuselage.

 

Ruth B. Loving: Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps

     The Office of Civilian Defense tasked the American Red Cross with initiating a training program through which to graduate women as nurse's aides. The reason for this was to take some of the non-medical burden off nurses so that they could put more of their attention towards their patients medical needs. Any woman, aged 18 to 50, could volunteer for the program and had to pledge to serve no less then 150 volunteer hours. A massive campaign was launched to recruit volunteers for what was now called the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps and those efforts paid off. By the close of the war in 1945, some 110,170 volunteers went through the 80 hour training course program, graduated, and served around the U.S. in some 2,500 military and civilian hospitals. The Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps was administered by the Volunteer Special Services and the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps volunteers contributed a total of 42 million volunteer hours during World War Two.

     The photograph is that of Ruth B. Loving at her Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps course graduation in 1941. The uniform she is wearing was the standard for the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps and consisted of a pale blue smock over a white, short-sleeved dress, a white and pale blue cap, white nylon stockings, and white lace-up leather shoes. The insignia for the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps consisted of a dark blue circle upon which was a white triangle with a red cross inside the triangle. This was worn as a left sleeve patch as well as smaller patch sewn to the front of the nurse's cap. The pin seen between the dress' collars was gold edged with a white center. Around the gold portion, it read “American Red Cross Volunteer” while centered in the middle of the white center was a red cross. The entire pin was enameled. Upon graduating, the new nurse's aides received their cap, pin, and patches during the ceremony. Loving became a senior aide during her time in the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps. As a note, one can see that the sleeve patch is pinned on as she was just issued it during the graduation.

     Loving was active in serving and following her entering into the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps, she was part of the Massachusetts Women's Defense Corps (MWDC) which was authorized on May 1941 by Governor Leverett Saltonstall. The MWDC was overseen by the Massachusetts Committee on Public Safety and the organization supported the Massachusetts State Guard, the U.S. Army, Massachusetts state agencies as needed, and local organizations. The MWDC assisted in five critical areas which were air raid protection/air warden services, communications, food services, medical services, and transportation. Where possible, MWDC women were used to fill roles which could allow military men to be called to active duty for the war. In December 1944, the MWDC became the Massachusetts Women's Corps (MWC) but in September 1946, the MWC was inactivated. Loving enlisted on August 13, 1943. She was one of four African-Americans who served in the MWDC and unlike the U.S. Army's Women's Army Corps (WAC) which was segregated, the MWDC was integrated. Loving primarily worked in food services but also received training as a radio operator.

     As for the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps, following the end of World War Two, its continued existence was seen by some as no longer necessary. However, the Red Cross pushed to maintain the program, in a much smaller scale, primarily to supply aides to under-served medical facilities. While it no longer exists as the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps, the program went on to graduate new aides who would later volunteer during the Korean War, Vietnam War, and later conflicts. Today, the Red Cross offers Certified Nurse Assistant (CNA) training and certification, continuing the tradition started by the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps.

Cushman Model 32: Homefront Mobility for the Military

(Author's Collection)

     The Cushman Motor Works began making scooters in 1936 and the U.S. military contracted Cushman to produce several models of scooters for both the Army and the Navy as a means to supplement cars and trucks as scooters were quieter, easier to maintain, less expensive to purchase, and did not consume as much petrol and oils. The most famous Cushman scooter was the air-droppable Airborne Model 53, the “Parascooter”, which was used primarily by the 82nd. and 101st. Airborne Divisions when they parachuted into combat during the commencement of D-Day. The Parascooter provided swift mobility for couriers to move messages between units and the Parascooter even had a trailer hitch to pull the M3A4 general purpose utility cart which allowed it to move supplies as well. Some 5,000 Parascooters were built and after the war, the majority remained in France and Germany.

     The Sergeant in the photograph, however, isn’t sitting on a Parascooter but instead, he is riding a Cushman Model 32. The Model 32 wasn’t meant for the battlefield and instead, it was used by both the Army and the Navy as courier vehicles and personal transportation on Army garrisons and facilities, military industrial complexes, and Navy bases and shipyards.

     Cushman did build a civilian version of the Parascooter, the Model 53-A, which was more comfortable and had less military esthetics. It was marketed following the end of World War II but sales were disappointing. In 1957, the Cushman Motor Works ceased to exist and was bought out by the Outboard Marine Company.

Gefreiter: Sibirisches Kosaken-Reiter-Regiment 2

      A Gefreiter of the Sibirisches Kosaken-Reiter-Regiment 2 (2nd. Siberian Cossack Regiment). Identification of this unit is made simple by the sleeve shield which consists of the Cyrillic letters for PSV in yellow with yellow upper and lower segments of the shield design with blue being the left and right segments. His rank is evidenced by the single silver tress stripe on each of his shoulderboards, as authorized for all Cossack units beginning May 29, 1943. The rank of gefreiter was the equivalent to a British lance corporal. 

     For decorations, he is wearing two Tapferkeitsauszeichnung für Angehörige der Ostvölker (Valor Award for the Eastern Peoples; shorted to Ostvolkmedaille [Eastern Peoples’ Medal]) of which both appear to be the Ostvolkmedaille 2nd. Class in Bronze (what appear to be stripes on one are more likely wrinkles in the ribbon material). The other is the Kriegsverdienstkreuz 2. Klasse mit Schwertern (War Merit Cross with Swords 2nd. Class). Although this ribbon could be worn through the button hole like the Iron Cross ribbon, it is said that veteran German soldiers held the War Merit Cross with Swords 2nd. Class in low regard, calling any soldier who elected to wear the ribbon as “soldaten im Eisenkreuz ausbildung” (“Soldiers in Iron Cross training.”). If the Iron Cross ribbon was worn with the War Merit Cross ribbon, the former took precedence and would be worn over the latter.

Obergefreiter Panzerkommandant: Eyes to the Sky

 

(Author's Collection)

     As World War Two moved into 1944 and later 1945, the ability of the Luftwaffe to deploy aircraft into the skies diminished to the point that ground forces could expect little support nor protection against Allied attack aircraft on either the West or the East Front. In part, this was because the focus of the Luftwaffe by this time was the defense of the Reich against U.S. daylight bomber raids in which the majority of what aircraft the Luftwaffe had were thrown at the U.S. Army Air Force's Boeing B-17 and Consolidated B-24 bombers. At best, the Luftwaffe only supplied German ground forces with sorties against Allied troops during large scale operations, such as the Ardennes Counteroffensive. Following the Normandy landings (D-Day) in June 1944, Allied ground attack and fighter aircraft prowled the skies, attacking any German target they came across. German forces caught out during the daylight hours could expect to be savagely worked over. One particular aircraft, the Hawker Typhoon, gained a fearsome reputation. The British aircraft was armed with four 20mm Hispano Mk.II cannons, eight 3” RP-3 air-to-ground rockets, or two 500lb. or 1,000lb. bombs. Flying under the 2nd. Tactical Air Force during the Normandy campaign, pilots flying the Typhoon were well able to bring German advances to a halt with the RP-3 rockets able to destroy or disable even the heavier of German tanks such as the Tiger I. Another effect was the negative morale impact the Typhoons had on German troops to the point vehicles and tanks would be abandoned even if the damage done was negligible. The losses and the inability of the Luftwaffe to provide air cover meant that in short order, German forces only moved by night when they could help it.

     When troops had to move during daylight, eyes were to the skies and this is evidenced in this photograph. A tank commander, holding the rank of Obergefreiter (equivalent to a U.S. Army Corporal), sits in the commander's cupola of a Panzerkampfwagen IV medium tank, gazing upwards. Around his neck is a kehlkopfmikrofon (throat microphone) and in his hands is the accompanying kopfhörer (headphones) and these were used for communication within the tank by the crew members. He is wearing heavy fur lined mittens (the white fur can just be seen on the right mitten) and over his regular uniform trousers, he has on the winter overtrousers, likely lined as well. Given the bulky appearance of the black panzer wrap, he probably has a thick sweater or other warm piece of clothing on underneath. We can tell his rank by the insignia on his left sleeve which has two silver tress chevrons. For decorations, he appears to have the Panzerkampfabzeichen (Panzer Assault Badge) and what could be one other award but all we see is the edge of it. The ribbon through the button hole on his panzer wrap is for the Eisernes Kreuz 2. Klasse (Iron Cross 2nd. Class). The collar insignia is that of the German Heer (Army) panzer troops and consisted of a black tab piped in pink with a silver totenkopf (“death's head”) in the center. The shoulderboards (schulterstücke) were also piped in pink, pink being the waffenfarbe (branch color) of panzer troops.

     Visible behind him are two or three more Panzer IV tanks and further down the road are two Sonderkraftfahrzeug 251 (SdKfz 251) half-tracks and a truck. Notice that the commanders of the other tanks are also sitting in their turrets, scanning the skies and passengers on the other vehicles are doing the same.

SS-Oberscharführer Oscar Bang: Freiwilligen-Legion Norwegen

     A rather interesting photograph depicting a kriegsberichter (war correspondent) belonging to the Freiwilligen-Legion Norwegen. This Waffen-SS unit was raised in occupied Norway and was made up of Norwegian volunteers under the promise that the personnel would be led by Norwegian officers, the unit would continue to wear Norwegian military uniforms, and that the language within the unit would remain Norwegian. In addition, it was promised that the unit would only see action in Finland. All told, some 1,900 men volunteered and by June 29, 1941, Den Norske Legion (as the unit was called in Norwegian) was formed.

     In short order, two of the promises were completely ignored. The men wore standard German Waffen-SS uniforms and insignia, including unit specific insignia, rather than Norwegian military uniforms. This included the unit cuff title (called Ärmelstreifen) which read "Frw. Leg. Norwegen", special collar tabs featuring a heraldic lion, and those who belonged to the Norwegian NSDAP (Nasjonal Samling) wore a special sleeve patch. For the majority, the regular German Waffen-SS sigrunen (SS runes) tabs were used on the collars rather than the lion tabs. The second broken promise occurred when the Freiwilligen-Legion Norwegen was sent to the Rückwärtiges Heeresgebiet Nord (Army Group North Rear Area) in February 1942. This area of operations was to the rear of Heeresgruppe Nord (Army Group North). The main task of units in Rückwärtiges Heeresgebiet Nord was security and often, anti-partisan operations. The reason for not sending the unit to Finland was due to the Germans not wanting to give the Norwegians any validation of their territorial claims to the Kola and Petsano peninsulas (in Russia and Finland respectively). Freiwilligen-Legion Norwegen was posted to Krasnoye Selo, a town outside of St. Petersburg, Russia. The unit was subordinate to the 2nd. SS Infantry Division (mot.), the division having Dutch, Flemish, and Latvian units underneath it in addition to the Norwegians. The 2nd. SS Infantry Division took part in mass executions as well as the rounding up and deportation of any Russian Jews they found from 1941 through 1942 though it is unknown if Freiwilligen-Legion Norwegen was involved in any of these operations or took part in the atrocities. Later, the unit would be strengthened with the addition of a police company (Den Norske Legions Politikompani). By March 1943, the Freiwilligen-Legion Norwegen ceased to be, the unit being disbanded. This was because the 2nd. SS Infantry Division (mot.), which was very heavy with Latvian units, became the 2nd. SS Latvian Brigade and thus the Norwegians, along with the Dutch and Flemish, all had their respective units withdrawn and disbanded. All told, Freiwilligen-Legion Norwegen lost 180 to 190 men killed in action though there were some desertions and a handful of men were taken prisoner by Soviet forces. Following the disbandment of Freiwilligen-Legion Norwegen, those men who desired to continue their service in the Waffen-SS were transferred to SS-Panzergrenadier-Regiment 23 which was part of 11. SS-Freiwilligen Panzergrenadier-Division "Nordland".

     Freiwilligen-Legion Norwegen had its own Propagandakompanie (PK; Propaganda Company) that was led by one SS-Unterscharführer Breien. Under him were 15 men, including photographer SS-Rottenführer Ulf Tur, artist/illustrator SS-Sturmmann Finn Wigforss, and one SS-Sturmmann Holmung who served as the driver for the PK's vehicle(s). The man in the photograph is SS-Oberscharführer Oscar Bang. What we can tell about him is that he was attending the SS-Junkerschule Bad Tölz at the time this picture was taken. This can be told by the upper most cuff title on his left sleeve which reads “SS-Schule Tölz“. The school, one of several, was located in the town of Bad Tölz which was some 30 miles outside of Munich. Given this, Bang's rank at the time of the photograph is that of SS-Standartenjunker, or officer candidate. The various SS-Junkerschule taught military planning, logistics, small unit tactics, combat engineering, weapons training, and more but also the curriculum included political ideology and indoctrination. The SS-Standartenjunker could expect to be at the school for up to 19 months and if he successfully graduated, he was commissioned as a SS-Untersturmführer (equivalent to a U.S. Army 2nd. Lieutenant). Given he has the school's cuff title on his sleeve, it meant that Bang was not at the front with his unit but instead, was billeted at the school. Once he graduated, the school's cuff title would be removed from his uniform. The cuff title below it reads “SS-Kriegsberichter” and this identifies his position within the Freiwilligen-Legion Norwegen and that he is part of the unit's Propagandakompanie. Finally, the third cuff title is that of the unit, "Frw. Leg. Norwegen". However, Bang is wearing the last two in the incorrect order of precedence. The unit cuff title is superior to his position and so the “SS-Kriegsberichter” cuff title should be below the "Frw. Leg. Norwegen" cuff title. That the “SS-Schule Tölz“ cuff title is above the other two is because the school takes precedence over his position as well as his unit for the time he remains at SS-Junkerschule Bad Tölz.

     As a side note, the camera Bang is using appears to be a Leica III manual rangerfinder camera which was introduced in 1933 and built in various models all the way through 1960. The viewfinder was designed for a 50mm lens (which appears to be fitted) and shot 35mm film.

British Mk. IV Tank No.2648 "Lyric": War Memorial Donation

     The British deployed tanks into battle for the first time during the Battle of Flers–Courcelette which was fought from September 15, 1916 through September 22, 1916. The fledgling Tank Corps was equipped with 50 Mark I tanks. Unfortunately, the Mark I was mechanically unreliable and their crews inadequately trained in handling this new weapon. In preparation for the coming battle, the Mark I tanks were moved into assembly positions on September 13 but many of the crews, anxious about the coming battle and moving their tanks over terrain totally different from that of the training grounds, would see only 36 tanks left functional for the start of the battle. During the combat, 27 tanks reached the German front trench line and by the time tanks reached the third objective, only 6 did so. It is believed that only 18 tanks actually contributed to the combat, the remainder breaking down or having been ditched (a term for having become stuck or bogged down due to the terrain). In addition, it was found that the Mark I tank's maximum frontal armor of 10mm was capable of being penetrated by the 7.92X57mm Spitzgeschoß mit Kern (armor-piercing; known as the K Bullet) ammunition used by German infantry weapons. All in all, it had not been a stellar debut of the British tank.

     Still, the British did not give up on the Tank Corps. By 1917, crew training continued to be an issue with many crews only receiving a hasty training regimine. But, the tank itself was improved and by April 1917, the new Mark IV tank was entering service. Mechanical reliability was enhanced to a degree but the main change was the increase in the front armor thickness from 10mm to 12mm. Even though a mere 2mm more of armor seems paltry, it was enough to render the K Bullet far less effective and instead of always being able to pierce the armor of the earlier Mark I tank, now it could only do so 33% of the time against the Mark IV and only from the extremely close range of 100 meters. This had the effect of making German infantry much more reliant on artillery assets to deal with British tanks than they had been in 1916. Moreover, the deployment methodology of tanks had been overhauled so that cooperation between tanks, infantry, artillery, and aircraft was streamlined with easy to learn drills that had the effect of creating a combined arms strategy. Another critical aspect of the revised tank tactics was the use of reconnaissance and intelligence to pinpoint where tanks could be best deployed and effective against enemy positions. A part of the attack strategy was resupply. To that end, when Mark IV tanks went into action en mass again during the Battle of Cambrai which raged from November 20, 1917 to December 7, 1917, behind them were supply tanks.

     Between 1917 and 1918, over 200 Mark IV tanks were produced specifically as supply tanks. In addition, some obsolete Mark I and Mark II tanks were converted into supply tanks. The modification typically involved removing all armament and for the purpose-built supply tanks, the sponsons were larger and squared off in order to more easily accommodate stores of supplies. By the Battle of Cambrai, Mark IV supply tanks were used exclusively, having replaced the earlier models. Each tank company was to be equipped with two supply tanks. The Mark IV supply tanks were known as “Top Towers” due to a box-like towing apparatus that was fitted to the top of the tank. Two tow cables ran from the driver's turret through the box affixed towards the rear of the tank roof, the apparatus preventing the cables from getting tangled in the tracks of the tank. The cables pulled sledges which contained ammunition and other supplies and thus increased the amount of cargo a single supply tank could carry.

     The tank in the photograph is “Lyric” and carried the serial number 2648. It had been commanded by 2nd. Lieutenant Lowe and belonged to B Company, 5th. Section, 12th. Battalion. The crew number of the tank was L36 (other sources say L52). The tank survived World War One and would end up as a replacement war memorial and tourist attraction near Fort de la Pompelle outside the city of Reims. The original tank which served as the memorial had been the German Beutepanzer (“captured tank”), Wagon 113, of Abteilung 14, that had been abandoned after ditching on June 1, 1918. The Germans had captured the Mark IV tank “Liesal” (Serial No.4571) that had belonged to the 5th. Battalion on March 22, 1918 after it had broken down and had to be abandoned while supporting the 66th. Infantry Division near Roisel. It was repaired and refurbished then issued to Abteilung 14. In the mid-1920s, concerns by city administrators in Reims about the safety of visitors to the tank saw them consider replacing it. The damage to “Liesel” was extensive and thus posed the risk of injuries to visitors who decided to climb around the tank. In addition, the area surrounding the tank had yet to be fully purged of any ordnance which also posed a hazard to visitors. Finally, the location of the tank had become overgrown and it was no longer readily visible to passers-by. Thus, the wreck of “Liesal” was removed and later scrapped and the British donated “Lyric” to Reims who emplaced it along Rue de Châlons which was a much more accessible and visible location. In addition to advertising the tank attraction, the city added markers on the tank with one being on the roof which allowed for aerial identification, another on the front of the hull which was about the tank and the local history, and one on the hull side hatches warning against opening or entering the tank. “Lyric” remained in place all the way into World War Two as photographs exist showing German soldiers in 1940 posing with the tank but it would not survive any further as it was presumably scrapped by the Germans in order to reclaim the metal for other uses.

Natalia Fedorovna Bode: Haunted by the War

     Soviet photojournalist Natalia Fedorovna Bode poses beside a T-28 medium tank. Born December 30, 1914 in Kiev, Bode began her journalistic career in 1934 with the коммунист (Communist) and by 1938, she was working as a columnist for the Ukrainian bureau of the Russian News Agency TASS. 

     When war broke out, Bode would lose her husband Boris Kozyuk (also a photographer) and so she volunteered to cover the combat with the newspaper Krasnaya Armia (Red Army) and she would spend the remainder of the war covering actions on the Central and Southwest Front as well as the First Belarussian Front. A skilled photographer, Bode was not above taking risks to obtain compelling imagery. Her photographs were published in numerous other Russian newspapers and press outlets and they would also see worldwide publication as well. For her dedication, acclaimed work, and service, Bode was given the rank of First Lieutenant and she earned the Order of the Red Star, Order of the Patriotic War, Medal of Courage, and the Medal for the Defense of Stalingrad. 

     Bode would remarry to Yevgeny Dolmatovsky, a poet who worked for Pravda to whom she’d met during the war. Bode would continue her photojournalistic career with the Ukrainian newspaper Radyansʹka Kulʹtura (Soviet Culture). She died on July 2, 1996 and upon her death, it was discovered she’d hidden away much of her wartime photographs, most unpublished, as Bode wished not to remind herself of the war and all that came with it.

Jagdtiger Chassis No. 305054: Final Fate Unknown

(Source: Panzertruppen via Flickr)

     Sitting on the assembly line at the Nibelungenwerk located near St. Valentin, Austria, is the fifty-fourth Jagdtiger, chassis 305054. Chalked on the side of the Jagdtiger is the date January 16, 1945. This could be the expected completion date and so this photograph could be dated to early January 1945 or November or December 1944 given the extent of the assembly.

     No. 54 is mostly finished except that the torsion bar suspension has yet to be fully installed. The holes for the suspension were drilled into the lower hull on the completed chassis, prior to the fitting of other components such as the gun, engine, and drive train. The torsion bars (drehstäbe) have been fitted and attached to them are the suspension arms (schwingarme). Each torsion bar had a plastic seal where it entered the hull (schwingarmsiegel). The suspension consisted of two shock absorbers (schwingungsdaempher), one per side, connected to the forward and rearward suspension arms, the apparatus for the shock absorbers on the interior of the hull. The first and last torsion bars were built stronger than the others but all had the same ends to which the sheet steel roadwheels were affixed. Each roadwheel consisted of two discs with two rubber rings between them and each was placed on a hub on the suspension arm. It was doctrine that if a roadwheel was damaged and had to be replaced, the hub had to remain on the suspension arm. Work on No. 54 was finished sometime in January 1945, being completed along with nine other Jagdtigers; chassis 305052, 305053, 305055, 305056, 305057, 305058, 305059, 305060, and 305061. All ten of these Jagdtigers were earmarked for assignment to a new unit, schwere Panzerjäger-Abteilung 512 (s.Pz.Jag.Abt.512; 512th. Heavy Panzerjäger Battalion). Documents show that all of the Jagdtigers were released for shipment on January 30, 1945.

     s.Pz.Jag.Abt.512 began to build up starting late in January 1945 with the intent to field three companies of ten Jagdtigers with the headquarters having three Jagdtigers for a total strength of 33 machines. The bulk of the personnel for the unit came from the remains of schwere Panzer-Abteilung 424 while the staff was filled out with men from schwere Panzer-Abteilung 511. Replacement personnel were to come from Panzer-Ersatz-Abteilung 500 as needed. In command of s.Pz.Jag.Abt.512 was Hauptmann Walter Scherf with 1. Kompanie being commanded by Oberleutnant Albert Ernst and 2. Kompanie was commanded by one of the most successful German tank commanders of World War Two, Oberleutnant Otto Carius. Ernst cut his teeth as a panzerjäger officer while serving with s.Pz.Jag.Abt.519 which operated Nashorn and later Jagdpanther tank destroyers. Carius had been the commander of 2. Kompanie, schwere Panzer-Abteilung 502 that operated Tiger I tanks. Carius had been severely wounded on July 24, 1944 while serving with s.Pz.Abt.502 and after a very long convalescence, was transferred to s.Pz.Jag.Abt.512. As a side note, while he recovered from his injuries, what remained of his old unit was redesignated s.Pz.Abt.511 on January 5, 1945. The final company, 3. Kompanie, was commanded by Oberleutnant Schrader.

     No. 54 was included in a shipment of five Jagdtigers (chassis 305050 through 305054) from Nibelungenwerk to Döllersheim on February 2, 1945. This was the location of Carius' unit where they would commence training with the Jagdtiger in addition to using the gunnery ranges located at the facility. Upon the arrival of the Jagdtigers, training began at once, to include range firing. However, this quickly came to a halt when, on February 16, 1945, s.Pz.Jag.Abt.512 was notified by the Oberkommando des Heeres (OKH; High Command of the German Army) of severe manufacturing defects in the Henschel L801 steering unit housing. All Jagdtigers that had yet to be shipped out were to have the steering units replaced before being dispatched to units and all Jagdtigers that were already in the hands of troops had to be returned to Nibelungenwerk for the repairs to be done. It is here that Jagdtiger No. 54 appears to disappear from the combat record of s.Pz.Jag.Abt.512.

     Mainly, this is because it is not known what tactical number was assigned to Jagdtiger No. 54. Upon the order to return the Jagdtigers to Nibelungenwerk, the chassis numbers for the vehicles were lined through on issue reports. It can be surmised that they did arrive back at Nibelungenwerk and reports from February discuss the timeframe to effect repairs. It would take approximately five days for factory workers to replace the steering units on all eleven vehicles originally earmarked for s.Pz.Jag.Abt.512, including No. 54. However, priority was given to those Jagdtigers already on the assembly line. Also, the factory had to set up another line to receive the returned Jagdtigers parallel to the main assembly line in order to effectively make the steering unit changes. From March 3, 1945 to March 26, 1945, s.Pz.Jag.Abt.512 received a total of 27 Jagdtigers, and we can hazard a guess that No. 54 was included in that number. Due to the mixture of chassis numbers because of the recall, it is not known on what date No. 54 shipped from Nibelungenwerk and to what company it was assigned. Initial shipments were given priority to 2. Kompanie followed by 1. Kompanie and then 3. Kompanie. It should be noted that in a listing of chassis numbers and assigned units given in Janusz Ledwoch's “Jagdpanther Jagdtiger” (Wydawnictwo Militaria No.207), he does not give a unit assignment to No. 54.

     On April 15, 1945, 2. Kompanie destroyed its last six remaining Jagdtigers near Ergste, 1. Kompanie surrendered in Iserlohn on April 16, 1945 with three operational Jagdtigers, while 3. Kompanie ended the war with no Jagdtigers operational (two had been in transit to them but never arrived). The few documented Jagdtigers of s.Pz.Jag.Abt.512 include 305058 (tactical number X7) which was part of 1. Kompanie and commanded by Leutnant Sepp Tarlach. It was abandoned on April 1, 1945 in Obernephen. Another was 305068 and belonged to 3. Kompanie and was scuttled on April 2, 1945 in Paderborn. A third was 305004 and was captured at Sennelager, likely used as a training vehicle. 305057 (tactical number X5) belonged to Leutnant Kubelka of 1. Kompanie and was blown up on April 11, 1945 near Hagen. Finally, the last known chassis number was 305074 and the Jagdtiger suffered a broken track near Offensen. It belonged to 3. Kompanie and was blown up.

7” Tracked Gun Mk. 2: Impressive for the Time

     When the U.S. Army and later, the U.S. Marines, arrived in Europe to take part in World War One, they did so without their own artillery. This was due to the U.S. M1902 light field gun firing a 3-inch (76.2mm) shell and so the U.S. Army elected to leave their M1902 guns behind and adopt the French Canon de 75 Modèle 1897 as the M1897 75mm gun. Because of this, the Marines also left their artillery back in the United States and so while in Europe, they were mostly dependent on the U.S. Army for artillery support. So, while the U.S. Army also adopted the French heavy Canon de 155 C Modèle 1917 Schneider as the M1917 155mm gun, the Marines had nothing comparable. This prompted the Marines to consider a heavy gun of their own. Back in the United States, the Marines found that the U.S. Navy had a surplus of 7"/45 caliber guns Mark 2. These guns had been developed back in 1900 and were deployed onboard Connecticut-class and Mississippi-class pre-dreadnought battleships as secondary guns beginning in 1906. However, prior to World War One, most of these guns had been removed from Navy warships. So, early in 1918, the Marines designed a wheeled carriage to mount the guns on but the result was completely unsuited for the battlefield due to its immense 32 ton weight and 6.6 foot diameter wheels. Such a carriage would have sunk into the mire that was seemingly ever present in France. Returning to the drawing board, the Marines went to the U.S. Navy to seek their assistance and what the naval engineers at the Bureau of Ordnance came up with was to mount two slightly modified Holt tractor track assemblies to the gun carriage. The track assemblies were already, more or less, in production by the Holt Manufacturing Company which sped up development and eased construction. In addition, the tracks spread the weight of the gun across more area and thus lightened the ground pressure. By consequence, cross-country mobility was improved. Another benefit was the gun did not need any special preparation to fire. This same concept was seen again in World War Two with the Russian 203mm M1931 howitzer.

     On May 15, 1918, the 7” Tracked Gun Mk. 2 prototype was completed by the Baldwin Locomotive Works in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania and soon after, the Marines ordered 20 of the guns and the U.S. Army ordered 36 examples. By the early winter of 1918, the majority of the order for the Marines had been completed and 18 guns, along with Holt tractors to pull the guns, were assigned to the 10th. Marine Artillery Regiment. The regiment took the guns to Lower Station, located in Dahlgen, Virginia and on October 16, 1918, the first shots were fired from the guns. World War One, however, ended on November 11, 1918 and so the Marines canceled the remaining two guns and the U.S. Army saw 20 guns delivered before the rest of the purchase was cancelled as the need for the guns had past. In time, the Marines began to fill out their artillery forces with the M1897 and M1917 guns and so the 7” Tracked Guns Mk. 2 of both the Marines and the Army were retired from service and put into reserve. The advent of World War Two saw the guns taken out of mothballs and returned to duty as coastal defense guns with the majority under the control of the U.S. Army Coast Artillery Corps. Most of the guns were deployed to Hawaii with 16 guns positioned around the islands with 2 guns located at Fort Rosecrans in San Diego, California. Another 8 guns were situated at Bora Bora, French Polynesia and 4 guns were part of the inventory of the U.S. Marine 6th. Defense Battalion on Midway Island. The end of World War Two also spelled the end of the road for the 7”/45 caliber gun.

     The performance of the 7”/45 (178mm) caliber gun was impressive. A good crew could fire four 152lb. armor-piercing shells every minute. The carriage permitted a maximum elevation of 40 degrees and at that elevation, the muzzle velocity of 2,700 feet per second gave the gun a range of 13.7 miles. In 1920, the U.S. Army stated it was the most powerful gun it had ever taken into service. By comparison, the M1917 was only capable of a range of 7 miles firing a 100lb. shell. Today, only a single example of the 7” Tracked Gun Mk. 2 exists today and it is located at the Naval Surface Warfare Center Dahlgren in Dahlgren, Virginia.

Armored Autocar: 1st. Canadian Motor Machine Gun Brigade

     World War One was a conflict that saw rapid advances in terms of military technology. This surge is especially noticeable in aviation but the land war also saw many advances in small arms, dedicated anti-tank and anti-aircraft artillery, chemical weapons, and of course, the birth of tanks and wide spread usage of armored cars. Prior to the start of World War One, armored cars were more or less a curiosity. Perhaps one of the first armored cars which featured an armored body with a rotating armored turret was the 1904 Austro-Daimler Panzerwagen. It was the Italians that took the armored car to war during the Italo-Turkish War which lasted from September 29, 1911 to October 18, 1912 where they deployed the Fiat Arsenale which was built on a Fiat 15bis truck chassis. When World War One broke out, armored cars were used to good effect, in part due to their mobility. Unfortunately, as the war started to bog down into static warfare on the Western Front, the terrain became all but impassible for armored cars to get to where they were needed. Thus, their main advantage of speed was no longer an asset.

     However, one Major Raymond Brutinel of the Canadian Army felt that the armored car had much potential, especially if it was utilized within a fully mechanized unit. A former Captain of the French Army Reserve, Brutinel immigrated to Canada prior to the war and amassed a sizable fortune as an entrepreneur. He went to the Canadian Minister of Militia and Defense, Sam Hughes, and pitched his concept with a large carrot...that being Brutinel would finance the entire endeavor. While this was not an unusual practice, what Brutinel wanted to do certainly was. Checkbook in hand, Brutinel ordered twenty Colt Model 1914 machine-guns, bought truck chassis from the Autocar Company located in Ardmore, Pennsylvania, and obtained armor plate from Bethlehem Steel (also in Pennsylvania). Once all of the purchases arrived back in Canada, work commenced on what would simply be called the Armored Autocar. The vehicle was, in the basic sense, an armored box on top of the Autocar chassis. The front and rear of the box were angled and the flat sides and rear had drop-down panels. Armor thickness was 5mm on every facing except the rear which was only 3mm thick. There was no overhead protection, the box being open topped. Situated inside the box were two pedestals, each one mounting a single Colt machine-gun which could be rotated 360 degrees. The weapons were capable of firing over the sides but if need be, could be removed from the pedestals and deployed on the ground. Both guns were fed from a generous onboard ammunition supply of 20,000 rounds. Fully loaded, the Armored Autocar weighed 3 tons and the 22hp engine could move the vehicle on roads at a top speed of 25mph. A total of eight men crewed a single Armored Autocar. In combat order, the Armored Autocar, in addition to the ammunition, carried enough rations for fourteen men along with additional stores of gasoline.

     On August 24, 1914, the Automobile Machine Gun Brigade No. 1 was established though in short order, the name was changed to Canadian Automobile Machine Gun Brigade of the Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF) on September 15, 1914. The initial compliment of vehicles was composed of eight Armored Autocars, six to eight unarmored Autocar trucks as support vehicles, four automobiles for the unit staff, and an ambulance. This force was broken down into two batteries, the 1st. and 2nd. Sifton Batteries. Within a year, private funding authorized three more batteries, the Eaton, Borden, and Yukon Batteries. In October 1914, the unit was sent overseas to England where it was renamed the 1st. Canadian Motor Machine Gun Brigade CEF (1st. CMMG Brigade). The brigade had five batteries (A through E) with each battery having eight Armored Autocars and twelve trucks. Each battery was broken down into four Sections which contained two Armored Autocars each. In addition, the brigade had a motorcycle unit whose 51 men served as signalers, scouts, and dispatch riders. Unfortunately, the situation on the Western Front had stagnated to the point that the brigade was, more or less, sidelined and had no opportunity to prove it's worth. This situation stretched into 1916 and 1917 (by this time, the unit was now in France) but the brigade was able to retain unit integrity and not have their equipment and men bled off into other units. During this time, the Colt machine-guns were switched out with Vickers .303 caliber machine-guns and some of the Armored Autocars carried a loose Lewis light machine-gun. 1918, however, saw the start of Kaiserschlacht (Kaiser's Battle) which was better known as the 1918 Spring Offensive. Beginning on March 12, 1918, the Germans launched widescale offensive attacks on the Western Front, seeking to defeat the French, British, and other allied countries before the United States could fully deploy troops into the theater.

     At this time, the 1st. CMMG Brigade was able to highlight its capabilities. While not able to participate in offensive operations, the brigade excelled in the defense where its rapid deployment capability allowed it to act as a “fire brigade” and shift to wherever it was needed to stem German advances. The latter capability was due to the firepower the brigade could project as each battery contained sixteen machine-guns plus an additional 8 light machine-guns. The Armored Autocars, though, were not invulnerable. The 5mm of armor was only effective against some small arms and only at distances of 180 feet or more. In addition, with no top cover, the vehicle was vulnerable to grenades if the enemy was able to close with it. Against artillery or anti-tank guns, the Armored Autocar had no chance of survival if struck. With at least six men manning the weapons, hits by the enemy against the Armored Autocar was sure to cause casualties and so injuries and fatalities among the crews were high. Despite the losses, the 1st. CMMG Brigade proved its worth and in May 1918, the 2nd. CMMG Brigade was stood up. In addition, a Canadian Corps Cyclist Battalion was attached to the unit which brought 300 infantrymen (whose mobility came from bicycles) to be utilized defensively to protect the Armored Autocars or to conduct offensive operations. Finally, a trench mortar section was added that had their mortars mounted on trucks and thus had the same mobility advantage as the Armored Autocars and brought even more firepower to bear on the enemy. Following World War One, the two brigades were eventually stood down. However, the concept of the fully mechanized nature of the brigades was a first (and only) such force during the war and would prove an influence to later military planners and theorists.

     Only one Armored Autocar remains today and is on display at the Canadian War Museum in Ottawa, Ontario.

SS-Obersturmführer Roberts Ancāns: 19. Waffen-Grenadier-Division der SS (Lettische Nr. 2)

     Roberts Ancāns was born on November 11, 1919 in the Latvian town of Tiļžys (Tilza). He attended the Bruoļu Skryndu primary school in the town of Aglyunys. He continued his education, having moved to Kuorsova, finally completing his pre-university schooling in 1938. That same year, he entered the Latvejis Universitates Saimesteibys (Lativan University of Applied Sciences) where he sought to earn a degree in law. While at university, he joined the “Lacuania” student fraternity. War, however, was on the horizon and Ancāns voluntarily enlisted in the Sauszemes Spēki (Latvian Land Forces) in the fall of 1939. Unfortunately for Latvia, the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact contained a secret protocol which literally handed Latvia to the Soviet Union and on August 5, 1940, Latvia became the Latvijas Padomju Sociālistiskā Republika (Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic). There was little fighting as the Latvian military was outnumbered, outgunned, and could expect no support against the Soviet juggernaut. This, however, changed when Operation Barbarossa kicked off on June 22, 1941 and the Germans poured across the Soviet borders which included Latvia. The arrival of German forces saw Latvians rise up against the Soviets, creating numerous skirmishes which aided the Germans in pushing the Soviets out. Following this, the Germans disarmed these paramilitary forces.

     Ancāns, and many other Latvians, volunteered to enlist in the Schutzmannschaften (auxiliary police units) which the Germans organized commencing in July 1941. In all, the Germans raised 47 Latvian Schutzmannschaft-Bataillonen (auxiliary police battalions). Initially put in charge of these units was Voldemārs Veiss who held the rank of Standartenführer (equivalent to a full Colonel). By September 1941, the 16.Zemgales Policejas Bataljona (16th. Zemgales Police Battalion) was formed as a combat unit rather than a rear-area policing force and in October 1940, Ancāns transferred into this unit. At this time, what combat Ancāns saw isn't well known but it is said he was within the Kholm Pocket in which a hodge-podge of German units fended off Soviet attacks from January 23, 1942 to May 5, 1942. 62 miles to the southwest, the Demyansk Pocket existed at the same time as the Kholm Pocket, lasting from February 8, 1942 to May 20, 1942. Ancāns is reported to have been decorated with the Demjanskschild (Demyansk Shield) and if this is accurate, then his presence within the Kholm Pocket would not be correct. Regardless of where Ancāns was, by this time, he held the rank of lieutenant and had been wounded during the combat which took place. Successfully evacuated and given time to convalesce, Ancāns would, by February 1943, join the newly formed 15. Waffen-Grenadier-Division der SS (Lettische Nr. 1) (15th. Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS (1st. Latvian)) which was part of the Latviešu Leģions (Latvian Legion). By now, the Germans had begun conscription within Latvia though there were still some volunteers that came into the recruiting stations for the unit's three regiments: Waffen-Grenadier-Regiment der SS 32 (located in Paplaka, Latvia), Waffen-Grenadier-Regiment der SS 33 (in Vainode), and Waffen-Grenadier-Regiment der SS 34 (in Cēsis). The division went into action on November 1943 but after fighting in the Leningrad districts of Ostrov, Novosokolniki and Novgorod Oblast, the unit had been ground down. What was left of the division retreated all the way back to Berlin, surrendering to U.S. forces between April 27, 1945 and May 2, 1945.

     Ancāns, however, had transferred to the 19. Waffen-Grenadier-Division der SS (Lettische Nr. 2) which was created in January 1944, mainly from the Latvian troops that had been under the 2nd. SS Infantry Brigade. The unit was initially commanded by SS-Oberführer Hinrich Schuldt. Specifically, Ancāns was a SS-Untersturmführer (equivalent to a 2nd. Lieutenant) in Waffen-Feldersatz-Bataillon 19. The unit became trapped within the Courland Pocket and on December 24, 1944, Ancāns led 180 men from his battalion along with the 8./SS-Artillerie Regiment 19 to hold a vital position against Soviet attacks. This position, known as Rumbas Farm, was the meeting point between the 19. Waffen-Grenadier-Division der SS and the 21.Luftwaffen-Feld-Divisionen. The kampfgruppe repulsed four Soviet attacks which was supported by tanks, artillery, and close air support. A total of six tanks were knocked out by soldiers of which Ancāns claimed one of the destroyed tanks while the German artillery claimed three more tanks. In all, the Germans held the farm and 200 Soviet soldiers lay dead in the fields. This action earned Ancāns the Eisernes Kreuz 1. Klasse (Iron Cross 1st. Class) on December 27, 1944 and he was recommended by his superiors for the Ritterkreuz des Eisernen Kreuzes (Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross) which was approved and awarded to him on January 25, 1945. Ancāns was severely wounded and was one of the lucky soldiers that were evacuated out of the Courland Pocket before the German forces which remained surrendered to the Soviets on May 10, 1945. By now, Ancāns held the rank of SS-Obersturmführer (equivalent to a 1st. Lieutenant).

     The photograph of Ancāns is from his soldbuch (pay book) as evidenced by the ink stamp marks in the upper left and lower right corners. The Ritterkreuz des Eisernen Kreuzes is around his throat, the Eisernes Kreuz 1. Klasse is on the left pocket while the ribbon for the Eisernes Kreuz 2. Klasse is seen through his feldbluse's button hole. Underneath it is the ribbon for the Ostmedaille (East Front Medal). Just visible on his right sleeve is his Panzervernichtungsabzeichen (Tank Destruction Badge). Situated above the left pocket is the Nahkampfspange in Silber (Close Combat Clasp in Silver) while the remaining medals under the Iron Cross is the Infanterie-Sturmabzeichen in Silber (Infantry Assault Badge) and the Verwundetenabzeichen 1. Klasse (Wound Badge in Gold) as Ancāns had been wounded on six different occasions. Of interest is the Latvian badge seen on the right pocket of his feldbluse. This badge denoted that he graduated from the Latvian Platoon Commander's Course. It consisted of a sword and wreath with a “K“ on either side of the sword. A hand with two fingers outstretched is below the sword, the fingers touching the sword hilt. Across the top is the motto, in Latvian, “Tēvzemei un Brīvībai“ which means “For Fatherland and Freedom“ in English.

     Ancāns survived the war and resided in Augsburg, West Germany. During this time, he served as an administrator for the International Refugee Organization. Ancāns immigrated to the United States in 1955, taking up residence in the state of New York where he worked as a contractor for the Otis Elevator Company. On January 1, 1982, Ancāns died in Tannersville, New York at the age of 62.