The Type 97 Chi-Ha "Long Gun": Tank Destroyer or Something Else?

      Following the capitulation of Japan on August 15, 1945, the first U.S. personnel flew into Atsugi Kaigun-hikōjō (Naval Air Facility Atsugi), Kanagawa Prefecture on August 28, 1945, starting the occupation of Japan that lasted until April 29, 1952. As was the case following the end of the war in Europe, the U.S. had a keen interest in gathering up any and all military technology that the Imperial Japanese Army and Imperial Japanese Navy had been using but more importantly, had been developing. Intelligence teams fanned out across Japan and one such group was deployed to the Tateyama Naval Gunnery School which was located in Tateyama, Chiba Prefecture.

     Founded on June 1, 1941, the Tateyama Naval Gunnery School was a branch of the Yokosuka Naval Gunnery School. Whereas the latter school instructed pupils on operating and servicing guns utilized on naval ships, the Tateyama Naval Gunnery School taught students how to conduct land warfare, amphibious landing operations, and even airborne (paratrooper) training. As part of such training, anti-tank tactics had been included and as the U.S. intelligence team roamed the school, they found a most intriguing piece of anti-tank weaponry sitting on the grounds.

     The Japanese, for a number of reasons, were very late in the game of developing potent tank destroyers. The main reason for this, and which also stymied tank development, was that early on, the Japanese rarely faced enemy armor that was either deployed effectively, employed in any real numbers, and in some cases, did not pose a serious threat. Other factors included not facing enemy forces that fielded much in the way of other anti-tank weaponry (such as anti-tank rifles and guns), jungle terrain that dominated much of the Japanese holdings did not favor armor, and since the Japanese relied on naval transports to send troops and equipment around the empire, this was a limitation in building heavier tanks. As 1943 wore on, the Japanese were encountering Allied tanks such as the M4 medium tank that proved quite a problem for Japanese tanks. Only the Type 1 47mm gun could offer some challenge to the M4 and this started to equip the Type 97 Shinhoto Chi-Ha (“New Turret” Chi-Ha) in 1942 but even then, the M4 was relatively immune to the Type 1 frontally. The Japanese responded with the Type 1 Gun Tank Ho-Ni I tank destroyer which was fitted with the more potent Type 90 75mm gun. Although production started in 1942, the Ho-Ni I did not see action until 1945. The successor, the Type 3 Ho-Ni III, was fitted with the same Type 3 75mm tank gun as used on the newer Type 3 Chi-Nu medium tank. Under forty examples were built starting in 1944 and were not deployed outside of the Japanese main islands. The Japanese had other tank destroyer designs, some of which made it to a prototype stage. The final tank destroyer design, the Type 5 Na-To, was to replace the Type 3 Ho-Ni III. Built upon the Type 4 Chi-So medium tracked carrier, the Na-To was fitted with a Type 5 75mm tank gun which was used on the Type 4 Chi-To medium tank. Given the state of Japan's industrial complex, only two Na-To were built and though 200 were ordered, the type never entered production.

     What U.S. intelligence personnel saw at the Tateyama Naval Gunnery School is, to this day, debated on what exactly the vehicle was. Was it a tank destroyer prototype? Was it something that was created by personnel at the school as a ad-hoc vehicle to defend the facility? Was it simply a mobile test bed for the gun? What we do know is that the massive gun was the Type 10 120mm anti-aircraft gun. Developed in 1921, the gun entered service in 1926 and was fitted on Japanese aircraft carriers (namely the Akagi and Taiyo classes), cruisers (such as the Aoba, Yubari, and Myôkô classes), and other naval ships. The Type 10 was improved and remained in production from 1942 to 1945. The chassis the Type 10 was fitted to was the Type 97 Chi-Ha medium tank, one of the more common Japanese tanks of World War II. 

     The Type 10 had a weight of 2.9 tons, a uniform twist 34-groove barrel, with an overall gun length that was 18.3 feet long. The lightest single barrel gun mount, as used on some cruiser classes, was 7.7 tons. However, the gun was also used from fixed ground positions and the mount utilized was simpler and lighter than the ship mounts. The Type 10 fired two types of HE (High-Explosive) ammunition, an incendiary shrapnel round, and a illumination round among others. The ammunition used was fixed with a complete HE round being 3 feet long with an all up weight of 75 pounds. Muzzle velocity for the HE ammunition was between 2,707 to 2,723 feet per second and this gave a maximum range of 9.9 miles with the barrel at a 45 degree elevation. Other aspects of the Type 10 included a horizontal sliding-wedge, semi-automatic breech with a hydro-spring recoil system. A skilled gun crew was able to manage 10 to 11 rounds per minute but the average rate was more often 6 to 8 rounds per minute.

     The Type 97 Shinhoto Chi-Ha had a weight of 16 tons total with a length of 18.1 feet. The image of the vehicle is a still from a film and is the only existing image available. It is a certainty that U.S. intelligence took photographs of the vehicle to document it but those photographs have yet to surface. From it, we can deduce several things. The first is the Type 10 is actually longer than the tank itself. The turret was, obviously, removed and the superstructure (upper hull) of the tank was cut away to reduce the height and provide a more flat firing platform. The gun is facing to the front of the tank and it is using a very cut-down version of the mount most often used when the gun was deployed from static positions. By consequence, the elevation of the Type 10 is severely limited though this isn't much of a concern if being used in the anti-tank role. The gun is showing some depression ability, likely no more than 10 degrees. There appears to be some form of crude gun shielding on the sides of the mount and on the front on either side of the gun tube. Other than this, the gun crew operated the weapon from the rear engine deck without any other protection from shrapnel or small arms fire let alone having no protection from the elements. There also appears to be a muzzle brake fitted to the end of the barrel as a means to reduce the recoil. The weight of the gun and gun mounting is evident by how compressed the suspension is on the tank. Given the size and weight of the ammunition, likely only a handful of rounds could be carried on the vehicle itself and assuming it entered service, either it was to be fitted with a trailer to carry additional ammunition or a support vehicle had to accompany the tank destroyer in the field to transport both the crew and ammunition. A anti-tank round was never developed for the Type 10 and the HE ammunition had between 3.75 to 4.1 pounds of explosive in the warhead. This was similar to the postwar Soviet 130mm KS-30 anti-aircraft gun, lighter than the German wartime 128mm Flak 40 which had a 7.5 pound explosive warhead, and also lighter than the U.S. 120mm M1 anti-aircraft gun. How the HE round would have been effective against Allied armor is unknown. Certainly a tank being hit by such a round would suffer ill effects. For example, the Soviet SU-122 assault gun utilized the 122mm M-30 howitzer that fired a HE shell with 8 pounds of explosive in the warhead and this was enough to demolish German tanks via concussive force upon a successful hit. Of course, how accurate the Type 10 would have been is debatable and it is doubtful it would have enjoyed any sort of accuracy beyond 1 mile. Another issue that is brought up is exactly how long the Type 97 chassis would have bore up to the recoil forces of the Type 10 before stress fractures appeared in the tank chassis. The additional weight of the gun would certainly have taxed the 170hp Mitsubishi SA12200VD diesel engine, reducing the 24mph speed of the standard Type 97 tank which would make “shoot and scoot” tactics difficult. In addition, the hull armor of the Type 97 was 25mm in the front, 26mm on the sides, and 20mm in the rear which was totally inadequate against any Allied tank gun. This would have forced the crew to fire at range, with the likely inherent inaccuracy, in order to be able to relocate before return fire is received.

     To this day, it remains unknown what happened to the prototype following the discovery of it and, as already stated, exactly what its purpose was also remains a mystery.

Primary Sources:

DiGiulian, T. (2020, October 9). 12 cm/45 10th Year Type. Navweaps. Retrieved December 19, 2021, from http://www.navweaps.com/Weapons/WNJAP_47-45_10ns.php 

Johnson, Curt Artillery (London: Octopus Books, 1976)

Aimo Allan Koivunen: The Soldier Who Overdosed in Combat

     Thanks to the Facebook algorithm, a story floated through my feed about one Aimo Allan Koivunen, a Finnish soldier who supposedly went on a drug fueled escapade across the Finnish landscape, pursued by Soviet soldiers in March 1944. Having seen such news stories be wrong before, I decided to take a deeper dive and see if there was, in fact, any truth to the wild adventure of Aimo Koivunen. Turns out, it was true!

     Aimo was born on October 17, 1917 in the Finnish town of Alastaro. His father was Frans Vihtori Koivunen and his mother Aune Sofia Koivunen. He had at least two sisters (Eila Ilona Aalto and Marjatta Koivunen) and two brothers (Tapani Vihtori Koivunen and Väinö Armas Koivunen). After his baptism in October 24, 1917, his godparents were Frans and Olga Heikkilä, a farming family. At some point in time, Aimo married Elsa Esteri. At least in the sources I have available, little is said about his early life prior to entering military service. 

     When the Winter War against the Soviets started in November 30, 1939, Aimo was already in the military, being assigned to the third battalion of Jalkaväkirykmentti 13 (III/JR 13; Infantry Regiment 13). This battalion was made up of Finnish Home Guard men from the Salon Suojeluskuntapiiri Sammatissa (Salo Conservation District in Sammat). Aimo served with the unit until May 27, 1940 (the actual combat ceased on March 13, 1940). With the prospect of war with the Soviets again on the horizon, Aimo was transferred to the sixth battalion of Jalkaväkirykmentti 35 (6./JR 35) on June 17, 1941. The Continuation War commenced on June 25, 1941 and Aimo went to battle with the battalion until July 19, 1942. After this date, there is a gap in Aimo's service history when on October 28, 1942, Aimo is listed with the fifth battalion of JR 35 (5./JR 35) until January 9, 1943 when Aimo was reassigned to the headquarters of JR 35 until April 30, 1943. On that date, Aimo was transferred to Osasto Paatsalo, Erillinen Pataljoona 4 (Department Paatsalo, Seperate Battalion 4; 4./Er.P 4).

     Er.P 4 was a special unit established on July 1, 1943 to conduct long-range patrols for the purposes of intelligence gathering on Soviet forces. The battalion was broken down into four companies, or departments, which were Osasto Vehniäinen, Kuismanen, Marttina, and Osasto Paatsalo. A fifth department, Osasto Jauri, was set up in May 23, 1944 as a transport flight for the men of the other companies. Each department was responsible for covering assigned sectors within Finland proper. 4./Er.P 4 was responsible for the eastern border of Finland stretching from Kiesting to the Arctic Ocean. Osasto Paatsalo had actually existed prior to the formation of Er.P 4, first commencing patrol activities during the Winter War. Until June 1944, 4./Er.P 4 was commanded by Kapteeni (later Majuri) Harri Paatsalon. His successor was Kapteeniluutnantti Pentti Ahola.

     On March 10, 1944, Aimo was part of a ski patrol led by patrol leader Luutnantti Norri near Kantalahti, Lapland. The overall mission was commanded by Vänrikki (2nd. Lieutenant) Rytkösen. While moving along a road during the evening, the patrol penetrated Soviet lines and a shot was heard followed by an aircraft flying overhead. The patrol thought that they had avoided the Soviets but they soon ran into a Soviet ski patrol that took the Finnish under sub-machine gun fire. Rather than engage the enemy,  Rytkösen ordered his men to withdraw. The Soviets continued to bear down on the retreating Finnish who returned fire which gave the Soviets pause. In the brief respite, Aimo was ordered to deploy mines to slow the enemy advance. Unfortunately, he got no fire support from his men to the point that he enlisted villagers from Välikankaan to keep watch for the Soviets. It was decided that if need be, the patrol would rendezvous at Kaitatunturi then continue on to Koutamotunturi to link up with another Finnish patrol led by Ilmari Honkanen.

     All told, the skirmish with the Soviets that the patrol had run into lasted ten minutes. Still, the Soviet ski troops hadn't given up the chase and although both sides exchanged fire, none of the Finnish troops were hit. As the patrol continued to withdraw, Aimo was able to seed mines along the tracks they had been using and which they expected the Soviets to follow. After several hours, Aimo and the rest of the patrol were exhausted, having been engaged for several hours but fortunately, the Soviets had stopped following them. Aimo, especially, was feeling weak, in part due to having had little to eat. He then remembered that in his tunic pocket, he had the entire patrol's allotment of Pervitin.

     What was Pervitin? It was a methamphetamine. When taken, it resulted in increased energy, reduced the need for sleep, lowered hunger cravings, and instilled a sense of immense, nearly unstoppable, confidence in the imbiber. In Germany, Pervitin was able to be purchased over the counter until 1941 when it became regulated. Soldiers were issued the drug in 3 milligram tablets, tank crews had their own version in “Panzerschokolade” (“Tank Chocolate”) which was Pervitin laced chocolate candy, while the Luftwaffe issued it to air crews to enhance their attention span but also to allow downed airmen to sustain themselves while making their way back to friendly lines. Pervitin was made illegal in 1941 but this failed to stop the flow of the drug and in fact, the German military seemed to turn a blind eye to its use despite the very real problems of addiction, overdose, withdrawal effects, and obfuscation of the senses when it came to military decision making. Like the Germans, the Finnish (as did the U.S.) also issued it to their troops to enable them to push themselves beyond their regular limits.

     Aimo, feeling the effects of exhaustion, took the bottle of Pervitin out of his tunic and attempted to shake a pill out of it to consume. Try as he might, the pills stuck together and would not come out. Aimo shook the bottle and the entire supply of pills, thirty in all, fell out into his gloved hand in a clump. Out of sight of his comrades, he downed all thirty pills at one time. In minutes, the Pervitin took effect and Aimo felt flush with energy but in taking such a massive quantity, Aimo's perception soon began to warp and he felt as if he was going to pass out. His last, unfazed thought was that he had made a terrible mistake.

     Aimo recollected that when he recovered his wits to a degree, he was at the Finnish border, alone. He was unsure if he abandoned his patrol or if his patrol abandoned him given his state. It was March 19 or March 20, 1944. Aimo was in for another shock in that not only did he not have his sub-machine gun, his backpack was totally empty. Thus, he had neither food, water, nor any change of clothing or other supplies that he had originally carried in the pack. Outside of what few items he had in his uniform pockets, Aimo was only armed with a knife. Aimo also still had his wrist compass and made for what he thought was Koutamotunturi. Along the way, he spotted the smoke from campfires in the distance. Believing it to be his comrades, Aimo skied on, using a steep slope to pick up speed. As he closed the distance, to his horror, the campfires were not surrounded by Finnish troops but Soviet ones. Originally starting to brake thinking they were allies, Aimo stopped braking and used his remaining momentum to roar right through the Soviet camp. Startled Soviet soldiers scattered as the Finnish soldier flashed through them. The return fire once the Soviets got over their surprise was ineffective. However, Aimo was not out of the woods when a ski patrol of skilled Soviet partisans picked him up and gave chase. It took everything for Aimo to keep ahead of the partisans, the distance sometimes being only 328 feet between the two opponents. Aimo came to the base of a mountain and as the snow was not as packed, it caused his skis to sink. He struggled to get up the mountain, the partisans getting as close as 65 feet. By the time Aimo crested the mountain, he managed to again put distance between him and his pursuers. By a stroke of luck, a snow storm blew in which reduced visibility to only a few feet. The storm, coupled with the coming of night, saw the partisans abandon the chase.

     Aimo spent the next day skiing to the west before he stopped and set up a campfire, managing a tea from a packet that he had found in his pocket. After the tea, he used his hands to dig out a pit to get into and sleep. Rising in the evening, Aimo continued, scooping up pine cones along the way and putting them in his backpack. With these, he made a soup for sustenance as he carried on with his trek. At one point, he had to fend off a wild wolf with his knife but in the fight, his wrist compass was broken. As Aimo went on, at some point, his backpack was lost. By now, he had been moving for days, driven on by lucid dreams of his comrades. As he traveled, Aimo came upon a small shack and after going inside, he set up a small fire on the floor, using a tin cup he found to warm snow into water. Likely due to his state of mind, Aimo was not at all shocked when the shack started to catch fire. As the fire spread along the wooden floor, Aimo simply shifted further away, trying to sleep. Eventually, the entire shack burned to the ground and Aimo simply carried on, moving to a sauna near the shack, starting a fire there until he was able to sleep. Without his compass, Aimo navigated using the North Star. To add to his discomfort, the fingers on one of his hands were beginning to succumb to frostbite. 

     Aimo found a well-used trail and road that led to a German position. There were dugouts and barbed wire emplacements but while Aimo called out, there was no answer. Unhitching from his skis, Aimo walked into the position and then stepped on a anti-personnel mine with his left foot. The resulting detonation shredded his foot and lower left leg. So as not to freeze, Aimo crawled towards the nearest dugout. With a ski pole in his left hand, he reached the dugout and with his right hand, grabbed a door handle to the entrance into the dugout's covered section. He passed out, the handle having broken off the door. When he awoke, Aimo used his knife to carve wood chips out of the door to make a small fire with and used the tin cup to melt snow to drink. Aimo remained there, in and out of delirium, the only food coming from a jay bird that came within grasping distance. Aimo ate it raw. After seven days, an aircraft flew overhead and Aimo put a scrap of his snowsuit on his ski pole and waved it around. Fortunately for Aimo, the aircraft was Finnish and the pilot noticed him and waggled the plane's wings in acknowledgment before it flew away. In time, a Finnish patrol arrived and evacuated Aimo to a field hospital in Salla. Upon arrival, Aimo's heart-rate was 200 beats per minute which was well over the average 60 to 100 beats per minute and his weight was down to 94 pounds. He also survived temperatures of 20 to 30 below zero. In two weeks, Aimo had skied from Kaitatunturi to the abandoned German position some 30 miles north of Salla for a total distance of 248 miles.

     Aimo survived the war, being discharged on April 1, 1944. He ended the war with the rank of Alikersantti (Corporal). The photograph of Aimo shows him with, most likely, the green with white border collar tabs of the infantry. Because the collar tab is devoid of any stripes, the rank shown in the photograph is that of Sotamies, or Private. If he had his Alikersantti rank at the time of the picture, there would have been a single yellow chevron, running vertically, in the center of each tab. The medals on his right upper tunic pocket are skill badges. The top row consists of a unidentified skill badge while the one nearest the tunic buttons is a grade of  the Ampumamerkit (Shooting Badge) for Kivääri (Rifle). The badge centered on his pocket is the Vartiotehokkuusmerkki (Civil Guard Efficiency Badge).

     Aimo passed away on August 2, 1989 at the age of 71 in Jyväskylä, Finland. He was laid to rest in Pylkönmäki.

Primary Source:

Koivunen, Aimo (1978, April 14) Pervitiini-Partio, Kansa Taisteli, 126-132.

 

The Colt 40mm XM148: The First Service Under-Barrel Grenade Launcher

(Associated Press)

     Taken by Associated Press photographer Đặng Vạn Phước on February 26, 1968, a U.S. Marine patrols through the urban terrain that made up the city of Huế during the Battle of Huế which raged from January 31, 1968 to March 2, 1968. The battle was one of the biggest engagements of the Tết Offensive that had been launched by both the Quân đội Nhân dân Việt Nam (People's Army of Vietnam; PAVN) and the Việt Cộng on January 31, 1968. While the Battle of Huế ended in victory for U.S. and South Vietnamese forces and spelled decline of the Việt Cộng as a fighting force, the battle was the longest single combat of the war and also the costliest in terms of the lives of troops as well as civilians. In addition, the Battle of Huế and the Tết Offensive as a whole was one of the pivotal moments of the Vietnam conflict which majorly swayed public opinion against the war. In part, this was due to military officials having reported the Việt Cộng menace as being well under control. The reporting by public media on the Tết Offensive clearly showed that the Việt Cộng and their allies were still well able to attack in large numbers and inflict significant casualties which were displayed across television screens and print media.

     Returning to the Marine, he likely belonged to either 1st. Battalion, 1st. Marine Regiment or  2nd. Battalion, 5th. Marine Regiment, both of which were heavily involved in the street combat within Huế. The photograph is of interest because of what can be seen underneath the barrel of his Colt M16A1 5.56mm assault rifle: the short lived Colt XM148 40mm grenade launcher.

     Called the CGL-4 and designed by Karl R. Lewis for Colt (development having commenced in 1964), the intent was to replace the M79 40mm grenade launcher which was similar to a squat shotgun as it used a break-open breech for loading the grenade. But for the grenadier, it meant not only did he have to carry his M16 rifle (some grenadiers only carried a pistol sidearm instead of a heavier rifle), but he also had to carry the M79 which added to his burden in the field. The XM148 was designed to integrate the grenade launcher with the rifle and thus eliminate the need for the grenadier to carry two separate weapons. The CGL-4 was accepted by the U.S. Army following a competition and in July 1966, Colt received an order for a little over 20,000 XM148 grenade launchers with the first deliveries to be completed and received in South Vietnam for issue by December 1966. By the summer of 1967, the order had been delivered in full.

     The XM148 was connected to the M16A1 by way of a special handguard that replaced the standard M16 handguard of the rifle. To load, the grenadier pushed the barrel forward by depressing a button on the back of the grip (seen here held by the Marine's left hand) and tilting the grip forward to release it from the catch. Once the single 40mm round was loaded, the grenadier then pulled the barrel back to the closed position using the grip until it locked on the catch. The launcher was cocked by pulling back on a lever (hidden in shadow in the photograph) on the rear of the breech. The trigger for the XM148 was interesting in that it extended past the magazine well. This allowed the grenadier to fire the launcher without taking his hand off the rifle's pistol grip. The trigger can be easily seen in the picture. Not visible is the launcher's sight which was fitted to the left side of the weapon. This was an adjustable, articulated sight with a front post that had a maximum graduation of 400 yards. Also on the left side of the XM148 was a safety lever. All told, the XM148 had a weight of 3.1 pounds (compared to 6.5 pounds of the M79) and was 1.4 feet long. With a muzzle velocity of 244 feet per second, the effective range of the XM148 was 400 yards.

     Unfortunately for the U.S. military, the XM148 did not perform well in the South Vietnam theater of operations. The launcher was relatively complex and had numerous small components that had a bad habit of getting lost when soldiers serviced the weapon in the field. Another major problem was the extended trigger. As it was exposed, the launcher's trigger was subject to accidental discharges either by the soldier himself or the weapon getting caught on foliage or the soldier's own equipment. Despite the trigger having between a 6 to 11 pound trigger pull, in the heat of battle, this could easily be overcome. Another complaint by troops was the 30 pound trigger pull of the cocking lever as well as the sight that protruded from the left side was also prone to getting caught on equipment and branches. 

     By May of 1967, the XM148 was declared by the U.S. Army to be unsuitable for field use but some lingered on in front-line service (mainly with special forces) until it was replaced by the 40mm M203 under-barrel grenade launcher in 1969. Besides U.S. Marines using the XM148 in limited numbers, the U.S. Air Force Security Forces also utilized it as well as the Australian Special Air Service Regiment. Amazingly, the U.S. Air Force continued to use the XM148 for training purposes through the 1980s with the last XM148 launchers finally disappearing from military use in the early 1990s.

Primary Source:

Owen, J.I.H. Brassey's Infantry Weapons of the World (New York: Bonanza Books, 1979)

 

Obergefreiter: 3. Fallschirmjäger-Division

(Author's Collection)

     There are numerous photographs from World War Two that are very well known as they have been reprinted in books and magazines time and time again until they are easily recognized. This particular photograph is one of those. Taken in the city of Weywertz, Belgium on January 15, 1945 by SGT Bill Augustine who was with the 16th. Infantry Regiment, 1st. Infantry Division, the photograph is of a Luftwaffe Obergefreiter hiding his face from SGT Augustine's camera with his hand. Captions often equate this to the soldier not wanting to be photographed and capture forever his shame at becoming a prisoner of war.

     The Obergefreiter, whose rank was equivalent to a Corporal, belonged to the 3. Fallschirmjäger-Division (3rd. Parachute Division). Formed in October 1943 near Reims, France, the division's cadre was made up of experienced Fallschirmjägers from the disbanded 6. Fallschirmjäger-Division and it was expected that the unit would be at full strength and trained by February 1944. Despite the Luftwaffe having long ceased airborne operations, some 90% of the men in the division qualified for their Fallschirmschützenabzeichen (Parachutist's Badge) by successfully completing six jumps. The unit was well equipped and by March 1, 1944, it had a total of 15,075 men on strength. Although the division was to be motorized, there was significant difficulty in providing the division with the vehicles it needed to achieve this and even with the commandeering of civilian vehicles, it was never able to attain more than 40% motorization by June 1944. In that month, the division went into action against U.S. forces on June 12, 1944 in the St. Lô area, deployed under II. Fallschirm-Korps. The advance elements of the division had set up positions on Hill 192 which provided the Germans a commanding view of the eastern approaches to St. Lô. The U.S. launched multiple attacks against Hill 192 which the Fallschirmjägers stubbornly repelled inflicting significant casualties on elements of the 38th. Infantry Regiment and the 23rd. Infantry Regiment. So stiff was the Fallschirmjägers resistance that U.S. soldiers started calling a piece of ground near Hill 192 as “Purple Heart Draw”. Nevertheless, the Fallschirmjägers were eventually forced to withdraw from Hill 192 to positions behind St. Lô. In St. Lô proper, elements of 3. Fallschirmjäger-Division punished the 115th. Infantry Regiment of the 29th. Infantry Division but despite the resistance, the unit was withdrawn from St. Lô and the city fell to the Americans on July 19, 1944. Many of the U.S. soldiers held the Fallschirmjägers in high regard and one battalion commander of the 116th. Infantry Regiment, 29th. Infantry Division is quoted as saying: “You know those Germans are the best soldiers I ever saw. They’re smart and they don’t know what the word ‘fear’ means. They come in and they keep coming until they get their job done or you kill them....”

     When Operation Cobra kicked off on July 25, 1944, the 3. Fallschirmjäger-Division continued to put up a tough fight, as did other elements under II. Fallschirm-Korps, but the onslaught of U.S. forces kept pushing the Fallschirmjägers further and further back. Although the Fallschirmjägers could gain local superiority and halt Allied attacks, overall, they were unable to collectively stem the advance and continually withdrew to new defensive positions. By August 10, 1944, the 3. Fallschirmjäger-Division was a shell of its former self. In addition to the combat, the unit was subjected to aerial bombardment and strafing attacks from fighter-bombers, artillery shelling, and was running low on fuel and ammunition in addition to losing a sizable portion of its heavy weapons. The unit became trapped within the Falaise Pocket and on August 19, the II. Fallschirm-Korps was ordered to break out of the pocket, which it was able to do, escaping into Belgium. From September to October 1944, losses were made up by the transfer of men from three Luftwaffen-Feld-Divisionen (Luftwaffe Field Divisions), the 22nd., 51st., and 53rd. Luftwaffen-Feld-Divisionen into the 3. Fallschirmjäger-Division. Elements from the division were involved in the fighting around Arnhem under Kampfgruppe Becker which took place from September 17-26, 1944. The division was committed as a whole during the Ardennes Counteroffensive which commenced on December 16, 1944 where it was attached to Kampfgruppe Peiper. Led by SS-Obersturmbannführer Joachim Peiper, the kampfgruppe fought until December 24, 1944 when it could advance no further and American attacks saw the unit cut off from resupply and so it had to abandon all of its vehicles and retreat into Belgium. Of the 3,000 men in the kampfgruppe which began the counteroffensive, only 717 remained to escape of which some included men from 3. Fallschirmjäger-Division.

     Some colorists of this photograph have chosen to use the goldgelb (golden yellow) color for the rank collar tabs which was the waffenfarb (service color) for parachutists. However, the original photograph appears to show a darker color, likely tiefrot (deep red) which was used by flak (anti-aircraft) and artillery personnel. Thus, he was likely part of 3. Fallschirmjäger Artillery Battalion or 3. Fallschirmjäger Flak Battalion. For decorations, he is wearing the Fallschirmschützenabzeichen in the center of his fliegerbluse with the Sportabzeichen (Sports Badge) to the right of it and the Hitler-Jugend-Abzeichen (Hitler Youth Badge) to the left. Interestingly, the Sportabzeichen, instituted in 1913, can still be earned today. The Hitler-Jugend-Abzeichen was earned for excelling in athletics, field craft, and political indoctrination. He has also received the Eisernes Kreuz 2. Klasse (Iron Cross 2nd. Class) as evidenced by the ribbon through his fliegerbluse's button hole. Over his uniform he is wearing the Luftwaffe Feld-Division Jacke (Luftwaffe Field Division Jacket) in the first Sumpfmuster (literally “marsh pattern“) camouflage pattern. This is identified by the presence of a Luftwaffe splinter pattern (Splittermuster) within the camouflage though the edges are “burred“ rather than left sharp. Today, collectors call this pattern “tan and water“ while others use Luftwaffe-Sumpfmuster to identify the Luftwaffe pattern. The item in his left hand is the belt buckle to his belt.

     Of interest is the German sanitäter (medic) seen in the background. He is wearing the Heeres Rotes-Kreuz Hemd für Sanitäter (Army Red Cross Medic Vest) which was widely utilized starting in the summer of 1944. Made of cotton, the vest had a large red cross on the front and back and was tied at the waist by cloth tapes. It made the sanitäter far more conspicuous than the regulation Red Cross brassard which was normally issued and that only fit around the sleeve of the left arm. 

Primary Sources:

Davis, Brian L. Uniforms and Insignia of the Luftwaffe, Volume 2: 1940-1945 (London: Arms and Armour Press, 1995)

Windrow, Martin Luftwaffe Airborne and Field Units (London: Osprey Publishing Ltd., 1972)

7.5cm Panzerabwehrkanone 50: Same Punch, Smaller Package

(Author's Collection)

     One of the lesser known German anti-tank guns is this, the 7.5cm Panzerabwehrkanone 50 (PaK 50). The intent of the PaK 50 was to create a smaller, lighter, and more portable version of the potent 7.5cm PaK 40 anti-tank gun and development of this new gun started late in 1943. To achieve this, the 11 foot 4 inch long barrel of the PaK 40 was cut down to 7 feet 4 inches long. Fitted to the end of the barrel was a large muzzle brake of which the PaK 50 in the photograph has five baffles but another prototype featured only three baffles. The purpose of a muzzle brake is to redirect propellant gasses in order to counter recoil forces and in some cases, reduce muzzle rise. In the case of the PaK 50, the baffles were angled to the sides and back which is designed to vent the gasses to the rear and thus pull the gun forward, reducing recoil forces. A drawback to this design is that the gasses are shunted back towards the gun crew and the blast can kick up dirt and debris. This can obscure the gunner's vision as well as expose the firing position of the gun. As a countermeasure to this, when able, some anti-tank gun crews wet the ground around the gun to reduce the amount of dust and debris that is stirred up after firing. The shortened barrel was fitted to the same recoil mechanism as the PaK 40, thus simplifying production. Another feature of the PaK 50 meant to ease production was the usage of the same split-trail, wheeled carriage as the 5cm PaK 38 anti-tank gun. The gun was loaded via a semi-automatic horizontal sliding block breech which meant that after firing, the breech opened, ejected the shell casing, and remained open to permit the loading of a new round. To protect the gun crew, a two-layer gun shield was used in which a gap existed between the front shield plate and the back plate. This was a type of spaced armor that reduced the penetrating power of small arm bullets. Bullets tend to deform, deflect, or tumble after piercing armor plate and thus as the round passed through the space, it may no longer have had the velocity or direction to punch through the second plate. The gun had a maximum depression of -8 degrees to a maximum elevation of 27 degrees. For traverse, the gun could be swung in a 65 degree arc before it was required to move the entire gun if further traverse was needed. What ammunition the PaK 50 used remains unknown to this day as the gun was never listed on German wartime ammunition tables. It is believed the PaK 50 would have had the approximate performance of the larger PaK 40 and so firing Panzergranate 39 (PzGr. 39) armor-piercing ammunition, the PaK 50 could penetrate around 64mm of armor at a 30 degree slope at 1,500 meters. Firing the PzGr. 40 armor-piercing, composite rigid (APCR) round, penetration was 77mm at the same armor slope and range. Finally, the PzGr. 38 HL/B high-explosive anti-tank (HEAT) round could penetrate 75mm of armor at the same slope and range. It is believed, however, that the AP and APCR rounds would not have been as effective (if at all) in the PaK 50 and the primary ammunition would have been the HEAT round. But, again, what the true performance of the PaK 50 was remains unknown. While the PaK 50 was more easily concealed thanks to its low height and more compact size, the combat weight of the weapon was 2,425 pounds and so it was by no means a light gun. Still, it was a weight savings in comparison to the PaK 40's combat weight of 3,142 pounds.

     Source depending, the PaK 50 either was or was not deployed into combat. The prototype PaK 50 guns appeared in the summer of 1944 and it is said that after trials, the PaK 50 was approved for production. There are reports that a few hundred PaK 50 were built between the remainder of 1944 and into the spring of 1945 and were issued to anti-tank troops but this has not been verified. Other sources cite that because no ammunition data existed, the PaK 50 guns which were built remained prototypes and none of them saw service. Today, not a single PaK 50 remains and the only known photographs show the guns on trial and the handful of examples captured by the U.S. after the war (of which this photograph is one of the captured PaK 50).

Primary Sources:

Hogg, Ian V. German Artillery of World War Two (Mechanicsburg: Stackpole Books, 1997)

Lüdeke, Alexander German Heavy Artillery Guns 1933-1945 (South Yorkshire: Pen & Sword Books Ltd., 2015)

The Maschinengewehr 08: Workhorse of the German Military

(Author's Collection)

     In 1887, Hiram Maxim demonstrated his machine-gun to the Germans and suitably impressed after a long period of trials with the Maxim, a limited number were purchased by the Deutsches Heer in 1895 and the Kaiserliche Marine in 1896. In service, these weapons were designated as the Maschinengewehr 99 (MG 99). Minor updates were made to the MG 99 which resulted in the Maschinengewehr 01 which was officially put into service in limited numbers in 1901 as the MG 01. The Deutsches Heer was still not completely satisfied with the MG 01 and so further refinements were developed by both Spandau Aresnal and Deutsche Waffen- und Munitionsfabriken (DWM), mainly to lighten the weapon in action. The distinctive sled mount for the machine-gun was much the same as with the early MG 99 except that the ability to affix travel wheels to the sled which was introduced with the MG 01 was removed in order to save weight. The new machine-gun, the MG 08, went into production at Spandau in 1908 and entered service with the Deutsches Heer the same year. The MG 08, in action, was by no means a lightweight weapon. The entire apparatus for the MG 08, called the Maschinengewehr-Gerät 08, included the machine-gun (with 4 liters of water in the cooling jacket), the sled mount (called the Schlitten 08), two extra barrels, and two extra toggle locks added up to 137 pounds not including the ammunition. The MG 08 itself made up 58 pounds of the total weight. The MG 08 was 46 inches long with a 28 inch long barrel. The MG 08 had a rate of fire of 300 to 350 rounds per minute and ammunition was fed into the gun in 250-round cloth belts. To increase the rate of fire, muzzle boosters were fitted to some MG 08 weapons (which appeared as a reverse conical addition on the end of the muzzle) which increased the rate of fire by some 45%. Such guns were designated as the MG 08 mit Rilckstorsverstärker S. The effective range of the MG 08 was 2,000 meters though it had a maximum range of 3,500 meters thanks to its 2,838 feet per second muzzle velocity (with booster). By August 1914, the Deutsches Heer had 4,114 MG 08s, 398 MG 01s, and 18 MG 99s in service.

     The photograph, however, does not come from World War One. Instead, it likely comes from the early 1930s and the main clue to this is the gas masks this machine-gun crew is wearing. The gas mask appears to be the Gasmaske 30, also known as the S-Maske or “Schutzmaske“, as evidenced by the rubberized canvas and the shape of the metal snout. The Gasmaske 30 was introduced in 1930 and would remain the primary gas mask until the introduction of the Gasmaske 38 in 1938. The loader, and probably the gunner, don't appear to have the filter in place. Had they, it would have been screwed into the snout. The mounting, however, isn't the Schlitten 08, and instead, it is the lighter Dreifuss 16 tripod which was introduced in 1916. We can also tell this is a training exercise as a blank firing adapter has been fitted to the barrel. Around the loader's chest and back are the drag straps used to haul the weapon around and near his foot is a shovel that was carried in order to quickly improve their position.

     As for the unit, this might be told on the Dreifuss 16 where what appears to be 2/J.R.9 is painted in white on the tripod. Thus, if accurate, the men would be from the 2nd. Bataillon, Jäger-Regiment 9. This unit can be traced back to August 1916 when it was formed in Galicia under the original unit name of Regiment Veith. It was originally under Infanterie-Regiment 199 (I.R.199) commanded by Major von Notz of the XX. Armee Korps. Jäger units were considered light infantry whose primary missions were skirmishing, reconnaissance, and sharpshooting. However, most of the of the Jäger-Regiments that existed in World War One were disbanded with the onset of the post-WW1 German military, the Reichswehr, which was limited to only 100,000 men. Still, the traditions of the Jäger-Regiments carried on into the infantry regiments created under the Reichswehr and by 1933, the usage of the term “Jäger“ would again reappear as Germany expanded the military. That said, the men could be from a different unit all together only that their equipment, in this case the MG 08, was from the disbanded J.R.9. 

Primary Sources:

de Quesada, Alejandro M. Uniforms of the German Soldier (St. Paul: MBI Publishing Co., 2006)

Markham, George Guns of the Reich: Firearms of the German Forces, 1939-1945 (London: Arms and Armour Press, 1991)

The Standschütze Hellriegel M1915: A Weapon Lost to Time

(Source: Österreichische Nationalbibliothek)

     Of all the small arms developed during the World War One years, none is as enigmatic as the Austro-Hungarian Standschütze Hellriegel M1915, or, in German, the Maschinengewehr des Standschützen Hellriegel. The existence of the weapon came to light from a handful of photographs dated from October 1915 that were found in the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek (Austrian National Library). Unfortunately, there were no technical details about the Hellriegel M1915 included with the photographs and so all information regarding it are derived from examination of the photographs and making educated guesses. 

     The weapon was named after a man with the last name of Hellriegel and he was a part of the Austro-Hungarian Schützenstand, or shooting club. Members of these clubs, whose men were called Standschützen, were committed to the voluntary, military protection of the state of Tyrol and Vorarlberg. When called to duty, the Standschützen were expected to supply their own rifles and often trained in civilian clothing. Officers in the Standschützen were elected, the maximum rank being Major. Standschützen officers had the same command authority as the regular military officers the latter of which, not surprisingly, did not look upon that with favor. In May 1913, those men who were already Standschützen were liable for service in the Landsturm (militia) and once assigned to Landsturm duty, these men were no longer volunteers. After August 1914, Standschützen were considered regular troops but could not be deployed outside Austrian territory (though this was later ignored). All told, there were some 65,000 Standschützen within Tyrol.

     Returning to Hellriegel's weapon, it isn't known if he designed it himself to interest the Austro-Hungarian military or if it was in response to a call for a lighter, fully automatic weapon. The ammunition used in the weapon was certainly of the pistol caliber but exactly what caliber isn't stated. The most likely caliber was 9x23mm Steyr as this was the standard pistol ammunition for the Austro-Hungarian military starting in 1911 and through World War Two. There were two means to feed the weapon, the first being a 20-round stick magazine with the second, shown here, being a drum that held approximately 160 rounds of ammunition. Unlike the stick magazine which could be fitted to the weapon, the drum magazine, at least in the photographs, could not or was only shown dismounted from the weapon. A novel feature of the drum magazine was the flexible feed chute which used a clip to secure it to the magazine well. The drum magazine was also provided with a stand (also seen in the photograph) which kept it upright if the firer did not have someone to support the drum. Another interesting feature of the Hellriegel M1915 was the fact it was water-cooled. The barrel was surrounded by the cooling jacket and the fill cap can be seen near the muzzle. A simple tubular fore-grip was affixed to the underside of the cooling jacket. Based on the photographs, the action is believed to be a form of blowback and this is because a blowback weapon doesn't require the barrel to move and instead, uses the expanding gas from the fired cartridge to push the bolt backwards, eject the round, then feed a new round as the bolt rides forward. Protruding out the back of the upper receiver were two posts connected by a central bar which was part of the return springs for the bolt. The wooden stock is believed to have been a cut down stock from a Mannlicher M1895 bolt-action rifle, the standard firearm for Austro-Hungarian infantry. The main difference was a deeper cut thumb groove. The leather sling was also derived from the M1895 rifle. Aiming was done by a iron front post sight and a rear flip-up sight. The rate of fire has been estimated to be between 650 to 800 rounds per minute though likely in combat, it would have been less. Also, the effective range of the Hellriegel M1915 isn't known. The 115 grain, full metal jacket 9x23mm round had a maximum muzzle velocity of 1,230 feet per second and when fired from the Steyr M1912 pistol, the range was 160 feet. However, fired from a longer barrel as used by the Hellriegel M1915, a more plausible effective range would be around 320 feet or more.

     The Hellriegel M1915, while it could be operated by a single man (ergo, the use of stick magazines), it could also be crewed by two men and this suggests that while classified as a submachine gun, the Hellriegel M1915 could be deployed as a light weight, light caliber machine-gun. In fact, one of the photographs shows a soldier wearing a special wooden backpack, open at the rear, with a fur covered leather flap to protect the contents consisting of five drum magazines and two pull-out drawers that may have been used for gun tools, loose ammunition, cleaning supplies, or additional stick magazines. The Italians, during World War One, used a similar concept, the twin-barrel Pistola Mitragliatrice Villar Perosa M1915, which fired the 9mm Glisenti round. Favored by the Italian “Arditi” (“The Daring Ones”), as Italian Army shock troops called themselves, the Villar Perosa was light and provided significant firepower at short ranges during assaults. A typical Villar Perosa crew was four men: a gunner and three ammunition bearers, the latter carried some 5,000 rounds between them to feed the ravenous weapon that had a maximum rate of fire of 1,500 rounds per minute, per barrel. Feed was by way of 25-round box magazines.

     Unlike the Villar Perosa, the Hellriegel M1915 failed to make it into service. The exact reasons for this are not known. Issues with the drum feed system, overall complexity, lack of a bipod support (though had it been developed further, might have been added), and difficulty plus expense to produce the gun may have all spelled the end of the novel weapon. The photographs show a weapon that was clearly a prototype, lacking finish and it is believed only a single example was built. Following its demise, it disappeared from history, the prototype lost, until the discovery of the photographs brought the unique weapon to light once more.

Source:

Banach, M. (2017, November 27). Zapomniany Standschütze Hellriegel M1915. SmartAge.pl. Retrieved September 28, 2021, from https://www.smartage.pl/zapomniany-standschutze-hellriegel-m1915/. 

Jagdtiger: Victim of U.S. Air Power

(Source: pics_of_warfare @ Instagram)

     On October 14, 1944, both the Royal Air Force (RAF) and U.S. Army Air Force (USAAF) launched Operation Hurricane against German targets. The intent of the operation was to show the Germans that both British and American bomber forces could exert their dominance at will in German airspace. In addition, the intended targets were designed to pummel German communication lines, demoralize the German populace, further inhibit German industry, and attempt to impart the futility of continued resistance. The bombing was mainly done by the RAF, flying 2,589 sorties in twenty-four hours, with some crews flying both daylight and nighttime missions. 10,210 tons of bombs were dropped on several targets in addition to incendiary munitions to cause as much destruction as possible. For the USAAF's part, the VIII Bomber Command (8th. Air Force) worked in conjunction with RAF Pathfinder squadrons to attack German military infrastructure in several cities.

     This brings us to October 16, 1944. On this date, the Nibelungenwerk was struck by Allied bombers. The facility, located in St. Valentin, Austria, was not only the largest tank producer for the German military, it also had the most modern assembly equipment and processes of any other manufacturer. The factory officially opened in 1942 and commenced to producing Panzerkampfwagen IV medium tanks and later, added assembly tasks for Tiger I heavy tanks. The PzKpfw IV and Tiger I tanks were not the only armored vehicles produced and assembled at the Nibelungenwerk through the years and by September 1944, the Jagdtiger commenced to being produced at the factory. This, then, is the subject of the photograph.

     Exactly who struck the Nibelungenwerk on October 16 isn't given in most sources on the Jagdtiger, only that 143 tons of bombs struck the factory, causing an obvious disruption in production. This shouldn't be too surprising as the aerial campaign against German military industry isn't the subject of those books. Still, we can hazard a guess that the most likely candidates were USAAF bombardment groups under the 15th. Air Force that were conducting bombing raids in Austria at the time. For example, on that date, squadrons from the 451st. and 461st. Bombardment Group hit the Hermann Göring benzol (meaning, benzene) fuel additive plant in Linz, Austria which was only some 18 miles from St. Valentin. On the same date, squadrons of the 484th. Bombardment Group targeted munition works in Linz. All three of these groups belonged to the 49th. Bombardment Wing. With the 15th. Air Force having operations in the vicinity of the Nibelungenwerk on October 16, 1944, it is almost certain that one of the twenty-one bombardment groups under the 15th. Air Force was assigned to strike the plant that day.

     The effects of the bombardment were not as damaging as they could have been for one reason or another. For example, the bombs from the 484th. dropped long and to the left of the munition targets, causing little damage to the target itself while cloud cover affected the effectiveness of the bombing against the benzol plant. The bombing of the Nibelungenwerk facility caused a shutdown of production while the damage was cleaned up and repaired and reduced the output by some 55% for the month which, as a consequence, delayed the completion of Jagdtiger vehicles destined for the German military (namely schwere Panzerjäger-Abteilung 653; 653rd. Heavy Tank Destroyer Battalion). The incomplete Jagdtiger in the photograph shows the damage wrought on the chassis by the bombing, to include part of the building on the rear of it. It is said that the factory workers were rather surprised at the extent of the damage to the vehicle. Since the chassis had not yet been put onto the production line, repair was considered impractical and so it was simply scrapped. Because of this, the chassis in the photograph was never assigned a production number. The wheeled device next to the Jagdtiger is a electric arc welder. Another well-known photograph of this same Jagdtiger shows workers with shovels having cleaned up the debris into piles on the factory floor.

Sources:

Davis, Richard G. Bombing the European Axis Powers (Montgomery: Air University Press, 2006)

Devey, Andrew Jagdtiger, Volume 2: Operational History (Atglen: Schiffer Publishing Ltd., 1999)

Spielberger, Walter J., Doyle, Hilary L., and Jentz, Thomas L. Heavy Jagdpanzer (Atglen: Schiffer Publishing Ltd., 2007)

Panzerkampfwagen VI Ausf. B Tiger II: Scrapped in Znojmo

(Source: german_military_technology @ Instagram)

      The remains of a Panzerkampfwagen VI Ausf B, better known as the Tiger II or Königstiger, pictured after the war, sitting in a collection yard of German armored vehicles in the Czechoslovakian town of Znojmo (Znaim in German). The town is a little over seven miles from the Austrian border town of Mitterretzbach. The scrappers have already begun their work, having removed the 8.8cm KwK 43 L/71 gun from the turret along with the hull mounted Maschinengewehr 34 machine-gun. The tank has been “short tracked”, a term for when the tracks are shortened and fitted around the road wheels, bypassing the drive sprocket(s). This allows the tank to be towed or moved more easily as the tracks can run freely along the road wheels. Since Znojmo was a collection point, this suggests that the drive sprockets were removed from the tank where it was originally to enable it to be towed or transported to Znojmo for scrapping.

     The tank belonged to Schwere Panzer-Abteilung 509 (s.Pz.Abt.509; 509th. Heavy Tank Battalion) and how it ended up in Czechoslovakia comes from the final days of the unit's existence. At this time, the unit was commanded by Hauptmann d.R. Dr. Johannes König and on April 22, 1945, s.Pz.Abt.509 was attached to the 101. Jäger-Division. From April 23 to May 5, 1945, the battalion was deployed in covering positions in the vicinity of Großharras, Austria, a town that was a mere 3 miles or so south of the Czech border. It is unknown what, if any, action the battalion saw while in their defensive positions. A strength report, dated May 1, 1945, listed thirteen Tiger II tanks as operational.

     On May 6, 1945, s.Pz.Abt.509 was ordered to cross the border and make for Znojmo, traveling the 20 or so miles to the town from Großharras. The unit arrived the same day, taking up positions in the southern portion of the town. However, their stay was very short as the next day, May 7, the unit was ordered to withdraw and move to the west of the Czech town of Kaplice (Kaplitz in German). This saw s.Pz.Abt.509 cross back into Austria then enter Czechoslovakia again (likely near the Austrian city of Gmünd) and make for positions near the Vltava River (Moldau River in German). This nearly 90 mile movement punished the Tiger II tanks and the battalion lost nine tanks to breakdowns along the route. With no ability to repair them, each was blown up as best possible by their crews. Thus, this is likely the reason the Tiger II in the photograph is missing the front drive components because if the engine or transmission was broken down, the sprockets likely would not turn, requiring their removal and the short tracking of the tank to move it.

     On May 8, the remaining tanks of s.Pz.Abt.509 launched their last counterattack against Allied forces that had been on the unit's heels. The attack commenced at 8:00pm that night and though no Tiger II tanks were lost in action, the end game was at hand. At 11:00pm, the last of the unit's tanks were scuttled. The remaining men of the battalion surrendered south of Kaplice to U.S. Army troops.

     All told, from the unit's formation in September 1943 to their surrender, s.Pz.Abt.509 destroyed over 500 armored vehicles, mostly tanks. The unit's tank ace was Oberfeldwebel Erich Litzke, Zugführer (platoon leader) in 2./s.Pz.Abt.509 (2nd. Company) who, along with his crew, knocked out some 76 tanks (though the exact number isn't known). For this achievement, he received the Ritterkreuz des Eisernen Kreuzes (Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross) on October 20, 1944.

Sources:

Chamberlain, Peter and Doyle, Hilary Encyclopedia of German Tanks of World War Two (New York: Arco Publishing Company, Inc., 1978)

Schneider, Wolfgang Tigers in Combat I (Mechanicsburg: Stackpole Books, 2000)

Oberfeldwebel: Panzertruppen Funkmeister

(Author's Collection)

     Leaning out of the open loader's hatch of a Panzerkampfwagen III (PzKpfw III) medium tank is one of the tank's five man crew. What theater of war the tank and crew is in can be hinted to by looking at his feldbluse insignia on the lapels. Troops within the Deutsches Afrikakorps (DAK; German Africa Corps), from the rank of Oberst (Major) down to the lowliest Soldat (Private), wore the same litzenspiegel (collar patch) and in the case of panzer troops, the waffenfarbe (corps color) of rosa (Rose-Pink) formed the backing of the litzen. The litzen can barely be seen on the upper lapels of the feldbluse's collar. Below the litzen are the silver metal totenkopf (death's head) that represented the Panzertruppen (armored troops), pinned directly through the material of the feldbluse. Normally, the totenkopf were pinned through the center of the black collar patches piped in rosa waffenfarbe that were worn on the wool panzer uniforms on the Continent. For rank, the crewman is a Oberfeldwebel, equivalent Sergeant Major in the U.S. Army. This can be told by the two metal rank pips on his schulterstücke (shoulder boards) which are also edged in silver or subdued tress.

     As for his position within the tank, a likely one is that of radio operator. That this is probable is because of the trade sleeve badge (ärmelabzeichen) seen on the lower right sleeve of his feldbluse. The badge, consisting of three double-ended lightening bolts in gold threading crossed over each other, signify that he is a Funkmeister (radio operator). However, there is braid encircling the badge which means he earned a higher level of proficiency. A silver braid signified a Funkmeister Wärte II (Radio Operator 2nd. Class) while a gold braid was for a Funkmeister Wärte I (Radio Operator 1st. Class). The badge without a braid was the basic level of skill in radio operation. It is difficult to say what he earned based on the black and white photograph.

     As for the tank itself, given we see so little of it, it is difficult to determine what model of PzKpfw III the tank is but within the DAK panzer forces, the Ausf E, G, H, and Ausf J models predominated. As to the unit, only two main armored forces were encompassed within the DAK and that was the 15. Panzerdivision and the 21. Panzerdivision.

Primary Sources:

Davis, Brian L. Badges & Insignia of the Third Reich 1933-1945 (London: Arms and Armour Press, 1994)

Spielberger, Walter J. Panzer III & Its Variants (Atglen: Schiffer Publishing Ltd., 1993)

Obergefreiter: Panzer-Lehr-Pionier-Bataillon 130

(Author's Collection)

     Sturmpioniere (combat engineers; literal translation assault engineers) of 2nd. Kompanie, Panzer-Lehr-Pionier-Bataillon 130 make ready to launch an attack against an enemy position...or, it could very well be a training exercise. The main subject of the photograph, an Obergefreiter (the equivalent to a Lance Corporal), as denoted by the two chevrons on his feldbluse's sleeve, makes ready with a Nebelhandgranate (fog hand grenade). This was a modification to the standard M24 Stielhandgranate (stick hand grenade; better known as the "potato masher") in which the explosive warhead was replaced with one which generated smoke. To ensure there was no mistaking the smoke grenade for the M24, it had white bands around the warhead and also in white, the initials Nb.Hgr.39B which stood for the grenade name and the model which was M39B. If that was not enough, many examples had a white band around the shaft and grooves cut into the bottom which allowed the soldier to know which grenade was which by feel if he could not see or was in darkness as the regular M24 grenade did not have such grooves. The smoke issued from vents along the bottom of the warhead. 

     Of interest is the fact he is armed with Karabiner 98a rifle. This was a rifle designed in 1908 as the 98AZ and in 1914 when Germany went to war, it was issued to cavalry, telegraph/telephone operators, artillery troops, transport drivers, and pionieres. These rifles would again go to war in 1939 with the only real modification being grasping grooves in the stock and a new designation (98a). The key identifier is the stacking hook seen underneath the barrel. 

     On his back is the backpack portion of the full Pioniersturmgepäck (Engineer Assault Pack) and this backpack housed the soldier's mess kit (kochgeschirr), shelter half (zeltbahn) and accessories, two Nebelhandgranaten, and one 3kg explosive charge. If need be, the two smoke grenades could be replaced with another 3kg charge. The remainder of the Pioniersturmgepäck is hidden by his body but consisted of two special pouches which held his rifle ammunition (40 rounds total), his gas mask, and a stock of Model 1939 Eihandgranaten ("egg" grenades). In some cases, Stielhandgranaten were carried despite not fitting fully within the pouches or one to two 1kg explosive charges could be carried along with another 3kg charge. That these men belong to 2nd. Kompanie, Panzer-Lehr-Pionier-Bataillon 130 is from another photograph of the same Obergefreiter in which his shoulderboard is visible showing the embroidered "L" for Lehr (which meant "teach") and the number "2" which was for 2nd. Kompanie.

     Much of the initial Panzer-Lehr-Division (which formed in December 1943), of which Panzer-Lehr-Pionier-Bataillon 130 belonged, was made up of instructors, training cadre, and demonstration units which gave the division an elite status from the beginning due to their high level of training and ability. By March 1945, Panzer-Lehr-Division had been ground down to a mere 300 men and 15 tanks and on April 15, what remained after further losses, surrendered to the U.S. 99th. Infantry Division.
 

Vultee A-31 Vengeance: Training Mishap

(Author's Collection)

     A Vultee A-31 Vengeance after a belly landing, waiting for recovery. The Vengeance was a dive-bomber originally designed to meet a requirement for the French Armée de l'Air and suitably impressed with the aircraft, submitted an order for 300 examples with delivery to begin on October 1940. However, the fall of France in June 1940 put an end to the order. Fortunately for Vultee, the British were seeking a dive-bomber as well, having seen the success of the German Junkers Ju 87 “Stuka” first hand. In short order, Vultee had a new order for 300 aircraft. 

     Following the U.S. entry into World War Two, the U.S. Army Air Force (USAAF) repossessed any available Vengeance and soon requested Vultee to produce more for both the USAAF as well as for Lend-Lease. The Vengeance was flown by the Royal Air Force (almost all in the Burma Theater of operations with others serving as target tugs), the Royal Australian Air Force, Brazil, and the Free French Air Force. 

     The U.S., however, never deployed the Vengeance into combat. Instead, the aircraft it possessed served as trainers and target tugs. USAAF Vengeance aircraft were devoid of any weaponry and often, like this one, carried little in the way of markings. This particular Vengeance was likely utilized as a training aircraft as it does not appear to be carrying high visibility paint which was typical of target tugs. Brazil was the last operator of the Vengeance, removing them from service in 1948.
 

Vickers E Type A: 12th. Light Tank Company, Warsaw Armored Motorized Brigade

(Author's Collection)

     A gebirgsjäger of the 1. Gebirgs Division (1st. Mountain Division) pauses to examine an abandoned Polish Vickers E Type A which once belonged to the 12th. Light Tank Company, Warsaw Armored Motorized Brigade (WBP-M). The WBP-M had been engaged with the German 4. Infanterie-Division and 14. Infanterie “Sächsische” Division starting on September 10, 1939. The unit acquitted itself well, repulsing the German attack and even counterattacking the German forces who retreated back towards the Vistula River. However, the Germans renewed the attack, forcing the WBP-M to retreat towards Lwów. However, by this time, the Battle of Lwów was in its opening stages. On September 15, the unit’s commander, Stefan Paweł Rowecki, ordered that any equipment that was no longer necessary or was judged to be unserviceable was to be abandoned and the unit would, on September 17, be engaged in the opening phase of the Battle of Tomaszów Lubelski. By September 19, the unit was all but decimated and Rowecki ordered any remaining heavy equipment (such as tanks) be destroyed and each man seek to escape the German encirclement on their own.

     The vehicle in the ditch behind the Vickers E is a TK-3 tankette. The TK-3 was suitable as a reconnaissance or infantry support vehicle thanks to its low profile. However, with only a machine-gun for armament, it was utterly useless for tank-on-tank combat. Thus, losses of the TK-3 were high. The Polish purchased a license to build the Vickers E and also bought components to construct 50 examples. 38 were built with the parts for the remaining 12 kept as spares. All 38 were built as Type A which had the twin turrets, each with a Vickers machine gun. Later, 22 of the tanks were converted to the Vickers E Type B standard which featured a single turret with a 47mm gun.

Staff Sergeant James A. Baptiste: F Company, 365th. Engineer Battalion

      A studio portrait of Staff Sergeant James A. Baptiste, taken on March 3, 1947. Baptiste served with F Company, 365th. Engineer Battalion, which was a Negro unit. The 365th. Engineer Battalion was deployed to the European Theater and according to Department of the Army Pamphlet (DA PAM) 672-1 Unit Citation and Campaign Participation Credit Register dated July 6, 1961, it participated in the Normandy, Northern France, Central Europe, and Rhineland campaigns. The unit also received, according to the pamphlet, occupation credit for serving in occupational duty in Germany from May 2, 1945 to September 4, 1945.

     Given the date of the photograph, Baptiste survived the war. He was from Algiers, a section of New Orleans, Louisiana. Designated as the 15th. Ward (out of 17 wards that make up New Orleans), Algiers is the only Orleans Parish community that sits west of the Mississippi River. It is also the second oldest portion of New Orleans. His residence was listed as 1114 Whitney Avenue though today, assuming Google Maps is accurate, that location is shown as the intersection of Whitney Avenue and Newton Street. Still, if his residence was in that general location, it is no longer standing, having made way for small businesses on each corner of the intersection.

     For a uniform, Baptiste is wearing the summer cotton khaki uniform shirt and would have had matching khaki trousers. The color of the uniform was designated as “Khaki Shade No.1”. Had he been wearing the necktie, the end of it was often tucked between the second and third button. Interestingly, Baptiste has retained his enlisted soldier's visor cap which ceased being issued to enlisted soldiers by the close of 1941 and so this suggests Baptiste enlisted prior to that date or he privately purchased the cap as it remained a very popular item for enlisted men. Of note is that Baptiste apparently removed the stiffening within the cap, giving it a “crushed” look. This made the cap look more field used rather than something picture perfect for garrison wear and thus conveyed that the wearer was an experienced veteran of which Baptiste, given his service, was.

     Another bit of history is that it is very likely Baptiste and the men of the 365th. Engineer Battalion trained at Camp Forrest which was located in Tullahoma, Tennessee. This was the largest U.S. Army training base during World War Two and served as training grounds for infantry, artillery, engineers, signals/communications, and cooks. The base ceased to be in 1946, having been declared surplus. What could not be sold off and carried away was removed and left only concrete foundations, chimneys, and roads. In 1951, the property became the home of what is today the Arnold Engineering Development Complex (AEDC).

Soviet KV-8 Heavy Flamethrower Tank: Final Charge

     The Soviets were big believers in flamethrowing tanks. In fact, such tanks were an integral part of Soviet tank doctrine even before the start of World War Two. These specialized tanks were deployed in their own chemical tank battalions and attached to other units as needed. The typical mission for such battalions was to be attached to infantry units and provide support to them by bringing their fire down on enemy bunkers, hardened positions, and other manned obstacles or entrenchments. However, the flamethrower has, even today, a very real psychological impact on those who have to face it and so the chemical battalions were also used in other operations to take advantage of this fear.

     Many of the main models of tanks deployed by the Soviets in the first two years of World War Two had a flamethrowing variant. The most numerous were those based on the T-26 light tank. The T-26 made up the bulk of Soviet tank forces and thus there were no less than four flamethrowing variants. The first was the OT-26. Fielded in 1933, the OT-26 (OT stood for Ognemetniy Tank; flamethrowing tank) was based on the early twin-turreted T-26 mod. 1931. The left turret was removed and within the right turret, a flame gun was fitted. However, the OT-26 was not very successful as the cramped turret made using the flame-projector difficult and the amount of fuel able to be carried was paltry. It was soon replaced by the OT-130. This was the T-26 mod. 1933 single turret tank with the 45mm gun replaced by a flame-projector. OT-130 tanks saw action against the Japanese during the September 1939 Battles of Khalkhin Gol and later against the Finnish in the Winter War which ran from November 30, 1939 to March 13, 1940. Survivors then met the Germans at the start of Operation Barbarossa, the invasion of Russia, that kicked off on June 22, 1941. The OT-130 was supplemented with the OT-133 that was the T-26 mod. 1939, again with the 45mm gun replaced with the flame-projector though the flame-projector was much shorter than the one used in the OT-130. The final model was the OT-134 and it was the more radical, but more useful, variant. Like the OT-133, it used the T-26 mod. 1939 but was fitted with the same turret as used on the T-50 light tank. The flame-projector was fitted centrally in the hull. Unlike the other T-26 flamethrowing tanks, the OT-134 retained its tank gun which meant once all the fuel was expended, it still had a weapon to fight with. Only a small number were built in 1941. Typically, the OT-130, OT-133, and OT-134 carried 400 liters of fuel in the hull along with four compressed air tanks that provided the propelling force on the fuel. At best, the range was only 40 yards.

     Another numerous tank in Soviet forces was the BT fast tank and to a lesser degree, the T-28 medium tank. There was a flamethrowing version of the BT-7, the OT-7, which had the flame-projector fitted to one side of the hull, facing forward. The OT-7 remained a prototype. The Germans, following their invasion of the Soviet Union, made reports of the existence of an OT-28 but no such variant of the T-28 was ever made, even in prototype form. The T-28 had two machine-gun armed supplementary turrets in the front of the tank along with the central, main turret. Some believe the larger, five-turreted T-35 heavy tank carried a flamethrower, replacing one of the two machine-gun armed turrets (the other two supplementary turrets housed 45mm guns). This was not a factory fitted armament but was one done in the field and thus not an official model. It could be that the Germans believed the more numerous T-28 might also carry a flamethrower and gave it the spurious OT-28 designation.

     Finally, the Soviets created the OT-34 and the KV-8. The OT-34 was simply the T-34/76 medium tank with the hull machine-gun replaced with a ATO-41 flamethrower. The KV-8, and the subject of the photograph, was a variant of the KV-1 heavy tank. The Soviets learned that when the enemy sees a flamethrowing tank approaching, that tank attracts a high degree of attention. With the exception of the OT-134, the Soviet flamethrowing tanks had obvious differences from their regular T-26 counterparts. Thus, they suffered accordingly, especially when they had to get very close to the enemy to effectively deploy their weapon. The OT-34 was, more or less, the T-34/76, and the hull mounted flame-projector meant the turret could retain its 76mm gun. The same could not be said for the KV-8. Instead of mounting the flame-projector in the hull, it was decided to fit the flame-projector in the turret. This would give the advantage of being able to bring the flamethrower to bear anywhere the turret was facing rather than being limited to strictly straight ahead as with hull-mounted flamethrowers. Unfortunately, the flamethrowing apparatus was too large to fit alongside the KV-1's 76mm gun. A compromise was made and in place of the 76mm gun was the smaller, 45mm Model 32/38 gun. To make it appear that the KV-8 had the KV-1's original gun, a tube was fitted around the 45mm gun's barrel that matched the length of the 76mm gun. This also helped to camouflage its true nature if deployed with other KV-1 tanks. The KV-8 carried 960 liters of fuel along with the compressed air tanks. The ATO-41 could fire three bursts every 10 seconds with each burst draining 10 liters of fuel. If using plain kerosene, the range was no more than 71 yards but if firing a kerosene/oil mixture, the range was out to 109 yards. Another benefit of the KV-8 was its thick front and turret armor which was difficult to penetrate by the majority of German anti-tank weapons. Thus, it was better able to close with the enemy and unleash its flame. Production commenced in 1942 and some 42 examples of the KV-8 were built. Another 25 were built as the KV-8S which utilized the KV-1S tank as the basis and upgraded the flamethrower to the ATO-42 model. A chemical battalion, at the time the KV-8 was deployed, consisted of two companies of KV-8 tanks (10 per company) and one company of OT-34 tanks (11 per company).

     The photograph depicts one of the original KV-8 tanks, belonging to the 500th. Independent Flamethrower Tank Battalion, and it appears to have been stopped just before crushing a German 8.8cm Flugabwehrkanone 18, better known as the “88”. It was not unusual for Soviet tank crews, especially at the early stages of the war, to simply crash into and run over German guns. The reasons were many but the more common was not having ammunition left (or being sent into battle without it) or a gun malfunction. The KV-8 appears to have been knocked out, likely by another Flak 18 gun, and the tank had caught fire as indicated by the dark patches on the front and rear of the turret and hull side. The tank hit the Flak 18 just enough to crumple the fender before it came to a halt. The Flak 18 appears to have been in a prepared position judging by the leveled ground it is emplaced on and the small berm in front of it. There is a slogan on the KV-8's turret which translates as "Onwards...to the West!" and the photograph was taken sometime between August and September 1942 near Voronovo, Russia.

Messerschmitt Me 410A-1/U1: 2. Staffel (Fern)/Aufklärungsgruppe 122

(Author's Collection)

     In August 1943, a Messerschmitt Me 410A-1/U1 carrying the identification code of 'F6+WK' on the fuselage was captured intact by the British in Trapani, Sicily. The aircraft belonged to the 2nd. Staffel (Fern) of Aufklärungsgruppe 122 (2.(F)/Aufkl.Gr.122; 2nd. Squadron (Remote), Reconnaissance Group 122) that had been based at Trapani from January 1942 to June 1943. 2./Aufkl.Gr.122 was stood up on January 4, 1936 and conducted reconnaissance missions against the British Isles in 1939 flying Dornier Do 17 and Heinkel He 111 aircraft. During the 1940 campaigns against France and the Low Lands, the squadron had transitioned to the Junkers Ju 88 and the Messerschmitt Me 110 and as the war shifted to the Eastern Front, the squadron was exclusively flying the Ju 88. Starting in May 1943, the squadron received a number of Me 410A-1/U1 aircraft to supplement their Ju 88s.

     The Me 410, nicknamed the “Hornisse” (“Hornet”), was the evolution of the earlier, unsuccessful, Me 210 which was supposed to be the successor to the Me 110 heavy fighter. However, delays in development didn't see the type enter production until January 1943 and it never fully replaced the Me 110. Power came from two Daimler-Benz DB 603A 12-cylinder, inverted-V, liquid-cooled engines, each generating 1,750 horsepower for take-off and 1,625hp at 18,700ft. This gave the Me 410 a maximum speed of 388mph at 21,980ft. in altitude. The A-1/U1 model was a modification of the Me 410 from heavy fighter to that of a fast photo reconnaissance aircraft. This involved the removal of the two 7.9mm MG 17 machine-guns from the nose to allow for the fitting of either a Rb 20/30, Rb 50/30, or Rb 75/30 camera. This left the forward firing armament of two 20mm MG 151 cannons, each with 350 rounds. Fitted to each side of the fuselage was a barbette-mounted 13mm MG 131 machine-gun which was remote controlled and provided a measure of rear defense. Each of these machine-guns was provided with 500 rounds of ammunition.

     Following the capture of 'F6+WK', it was found to carry the Werknummer (Work Number) of W.Nr. 10018. This aircraft was built at Messerschmitt's Augsburg facility and it had the radio call sign of 'DI+NN'. It was decided to keep the aircraft for evaluation and so it was ultimately given the Foreign Equipment number of FE-499. After being prepared for shipment, it was placed aboard a transport and sent to the United States and arrived at Wright Field in Dayton, Ohio in January 1944. On April 1, 1944, FE-499 was still in a disassembled state in Hanger Three and it would not be until October 4, 1944 was it finally fully assembled. At some point, FE-499 was sent to Freeman Army Airfield (located in Seymour, Indiana) which was the location of the Foreign Aircraft Evaluation Center (FAEC), the latter established at the airfield on June 11, 1944. That FE-499 was there came from an inventory book that listed it on May 17, 1946. However, FAEC was soon stood down by mid-1946 as there was little need for it any longer. Nevertheless, records still showed FE-499 at Freeman Army Airfield on August 1, 1946 where it was designated as a display aircraft. It is believed to have been transported to Air Technical Service Command's storage facility in Park Ridge, Illinois and ultimately, it ended up in the hands of the National Air and Space Museum where it remains today, housed in unrestored condition at the Paul E. Garber Preservation, Restoration, and Storage Facility located in Silver Hill, Maryland.

     Source depending, FE-499 has been listed as a Me 410A-3 model, which was the definitive photo reconnaissance version which carried two cameras rather than one. It was not possible for 2.(F)/Aufkl.Gr.122 to have had the Me 410A-3 as the type was not received by units until October 1944, long after 2.(F)/Aufkl.Gr.122 had left Trapani (though it remained in Italy, based in various locations, until May 1945). In any case, only 1.(F)/Aufkl.Gr.122 and 3.(F)/Aufkl.Gr.122 ever received any of the Me 410A-3 models. Also, some sources claim that FE-499 was a Me 210 that was brought up to Me 410 standards. This was done to many Me 210 airframes and in some cases, Me 210 aircraft were built from the outset as Me 410. However, it is believed that none of these conversions were used outside of development testing for the Me 410 program, equipment trials, and armament trials. A review of Heinz Mankau and Peter Petrick's book Messerschmitt Bf 110/Me 210/Me 410 published by Aviatic Verlag in 2001 does not list the Werknummer 10018 in their roster of known Me 210 and Me 410 work numbers and in any case, most of the work numbers which began with 100XX were listed as Me 410 models with construction dates in 1943 whereas most of the conversions were done in 1942. Still, there are gaps in Mankau and Petrick's lists so we have to assume that the work number for FE-499 is accurate though it could be disputed that it is a converted Me 210.

     As a note, the unit emblem for 2.(F)/Aufkl.Gr.122 consisted of a blue shield upon which was a man wearing black boots and khaki shorts, a wide brimmed hat, and a shirt riding on a black bomb with a bellows camera under one arm. Beneath this was the motto “Holzauge sei wach!” which literally means “Wooden Eyes Be Aware!” but a more contemporary translation is “Keep Your Eyes Peeled!” This emblem was located on the left side of the forward fuselage.

 

Ruth B. Loving: Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps

     The Office of Civilian Defense tasked the American Red Cross with initiating a training program through which to graduate women as nurse's aides. The reason for this was to take some of the non-medical burden off nurses so that they could put more of their attention towards their patients medical needs. Any woman, aged 18 to 50, could volunteer for the program and had to pledge to serve no less then 150 volunteer hours. A massive campaign was launched to recruit volunteers for what was now called the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps and those efforts paid off. By the close of the war in 1945, some 110,170 volunteers went through the 80 hour training course program, graduated, and served around the U.S. in some 2,500 military and civilian hospitals. The Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps was administered by the Volunteer Special Services and the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps volunteers contributed a total of 42 million volunteer hours during World War Two.

     The photograph is that of Ruth B. Loving at her Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps course graduation in 1941. The uniform she is wearing was the standard for the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps and consisted of a pale blue smock over a white, short-sleeved dress, a white and pale blue cap, white nylon stockings, and white lace-up leather shoes. The insignia for the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps consisted of a dark blue circle upon which was a white triangle with a red cross inside the triangle. This was worn as a left sleeve patch as well as smaller patch sewn to the front of the nurse's cap. The pin seen between the dress' collars was gold edged with a white center. Around the gold portion, it read “American Red Cross Volunteer” while centered in the middle of the white center was a red cross. The entire pin was enameled. Upon graduating, the new nurse's aides received their cap, pin, and patches during the ceremony. Loving became a senior aide during her time in the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps. As a note, one can see that the sleeve patch is pinned on as she was just issued it during the graduation.

     Loving was active in serving and following her entering into the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps, she was part of the Massachusetts Women's Defense Corps (MWDC) which was authorized on May 1941 by Governor Leverett Saltonstall. The MWDC was overseen by the Massachusetts Committee on Public Safety and the organization supported the Massachusetts State Guard, the U.S. Army, Massachusetts state agencies as needed, and local organizations. The MWDC assisted in five critical areas which were air raid protection/air warden services, communications, food services, medical services, and transportation. Where possible, MWDC women were used to fill roles which could allow military men to be called to active duty for the war. In December 1944, the MWDC became the Massachusetts Women's Corps (MWC) but in September 1946, the MWC was inactivated. Loving enlisted on August 13, 1943. She was one of four African-Americans who served in the MWDC and unlike the U.S. Army's Women's Army Corps (WAC) which was segregated, the MWDC was integrated. Loving primarily worked in food services but also received training as a radio operator.

     As for the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps, following the end of World War Two, its continued existence was seen by some as no longer necessary. However, the Red Cross pushed to maintain the program, in a much smaller scale, primarily to supply aides to under-served medical facilities. While it no longer exists as the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps, the program went on to graduate new aides who would later volunteer during the Korean War, Vietnam War, and later conflicts. Today, the Red Cross offers Certified Nurse Assistant (CNA) training and certification, continuing the tradition started by the Volunteer Nurse’s Aide Corps.